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Domestic workers were one of the most negatively affected groups by COVID‐19 in Latin America, yet they have also been resisting and mobilizing in impressive and innovative ways. This article shows that domestic workers' organizations were able to adapt to an extremely adverse context in order to protect their members and defend their rights. Furthermore, their mobilizations provide an alternative vision of society grounded on love and solidarity and offer concrete ways forward to "build back better." Indeed, their core campaign, "Care for those who care for you", demands the recognition of care work as real work and fair treatment for those who provide this care. Based on an analysis of this campaign, I have identified 3 repertoires of care‐resistance: the promotion of self‐care and well‐being, concrete practices of solidarity through the distribution of humanitarian aid, and legal mobilizations for the recognition of care as a fundamental right. I argue that these forms of action contribute to feminist ethics and theories of care and that putting forward the right to care and be cared for in times of crisis is an act of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a debate about the situation of Brazilian housemaids in the context of the COVID‐19 pandemic to expand the discussion on this scenario and link it structurally to racism and the history of colonialism, from the perspective of its successful project of establishing racial inequalities and relegating Black women to the most vulnerable conditions. As staying at home is not a choice for these women, the suppression of the right to life reflects how the necropolitics against Black Brazilians operates. In Brazil, the naturalization of this form of violence finds great support in a mixture of affection and inequality relationships, in a context in which domestic workers, specifically housemaids, figure as the memory of Black mothers, that is, the enslaved women of the colonial period, coming from the African diaspora. This memory is associated with the whiteness naturalization of the subordinate status of Black women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are going through such challenging times that dealing with reality is sometimes easier through fiction. Therefore, we tell the tale of a faraway land where poor women — mostly black — who make a living as domestic servants are particularly impacted by the COVID‐19 pandemic. Their abject bodies are part of a form of necropolitics that separates those who must live from those who can die. Their bodies do not matter, as they are perceived as mere working tools. And what sounds like a strange tale is the true reality of millions of women during the pandemic, in a land that is not so far away as it seems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a substantial scholarly literature depicting the abuses and exploitation of domestic workers in the informal cleaning sector, there is virtually no work that examines conditions in the formal market. This is not an oversight. For many, commodifying domestic labour entrenches gender and economic inequalities; we all should simply clean up after ourselves. We seek to offer a fresh approach: the vital question for those concerned with the women performing this work for pay is not whether to commodify reproductive labour, but rather what form the market will take and what conditions might render it a decent job. In order to make such an assessment, we need to look beyond worst-case scenarios in the informal sector, and study instead the evolution of the formal market. Only by also examining the content and terms of the work can we address how not to perpetuate inequalities such as the gendered division of labour and its intersection with nationality, race and class. In this article, we analyse the market for household services in Sweden's gender egalitarian social democracy, where a recent tax policy fostered the rapid expansion of a formal market for domestic cleaning. We conclude that domestic cleaning can be a decent job and that there is no inherent contradiction between a market for household services and a social democratic political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]