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This paper adopts a socio-historical perspective to explore when, how and why the eradication of poliomyelitis has become politicised to the extent that health workers and security personnel are targeted in drive-by shootings. Discussions of the polio crisis in Afghanistan and Pakistan have tended to focus on Taliban suspicions of a US-led public health intervention and the denunciation of ‘modernity’ by Islamic ‘extremists’. In contrast, this paper considers a broader history of indigenous hostility and resistance to colonial immunisation on the subcontinent, suggesting how interconnected public health and political crises today have reactivated the past and created a continuity between events. The paper explores how the biomedical threat posed by polio has become intertwined with military and governmental discourses premised on the ‘preemptive strike’. Here, the paper tracks the connections between biological immunity and a postcolonial politics that posits an immunological rationale for politico-military interventions. The paper concludes by reflecting on the consequences for global public health of this entanglement of infectious disease with terror. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Gender equity can be a neglected issue in health system reforms. This paper explores the multiple layered gender dynamics of the Afghan Community Health Worker (CHW) Program within broader health system reforms in Afghanistan using a qualitative research design. We interviewed policy makers, health managers, CHWs and community members in 16 sites in 2013 and 2014. We found that gendered societal norms interact and influence the Afghan CHW program in a dynamic way. Gendered social norms around the division of labour tend to privilege women in terms of access to resources at the community level, but it is men who hold leadership positions that ultimately decide how the resources are to be distributed. The Afghan Ministry of Public Health expresses a commitment to gender equity, but policies on gender are restricted to reproductive health, thus constraining a gender-equity approach as focused on maternal and child health. Our explicit gender analysis not only reveals gender inequities in the Afghan CHW Program and the broader health system, it also uncovers how a highly gendered division of health labour provides some opportunities for women’s empowerment that can disrupt patriarchal role constraints and broader gender inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The processes through which women's economic empowerment interventions are envisaged to improve women's health are strongly embedded in notions of building women's agency and autonomy. Yet despite the ubiquity of such interventions, there remains incredibly little qualitative work exploring how women actually utilise interventions to reshape their lives and wellbeing. Drawing on 9 focus groups discussions among 52 women who participated in the Women for Women International intervention in Afghanistan, an economic strengthening and social empowerment intervention, we explore processes of change. Data showed women learnt new skills around numeracy and animal husbandry; they perceived themselves to have become more respected within the household setting; they invested cash they received for intervention attendance in businesses, primarily their husband's or family's, and saved cash. Women did not, however, report their relationships to have been radically restructured. Rather women described incremental changes in their relationships within their household and used what they gained from the intervention to secure and sustain this. This conceptualisation of agency and empowerment reflects approaches to understanding agency, which move away from ‘action-oriented’ understandings, to ones that recognise ‘distributed agency’ as pathways to change through interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has one of the highest rates of domestic violence in the world, with an estimated 46% women reporting lifetime violence. Survivors of domestic violence experience significant stigma from their families and communities, often in the form of blame, shame, gossip, and dismissal. While the manifestations of stigma are often the same across cultural settings, the drivers may be different. We conducted sixty semi-structured interviews with survivors of domestic violence in three provinces of Afghanistan. Data were analysed using thematic network analysis. Our analysis highlights stigma as a structural phenomenon in Afghanistan underpinned by mutually reinforcing structural elements (including community, government authorities, marital and natal families, other survivors and the self). In a country with a deeply patriarchal social structure, the main manifestation of stigma was the silencing of survivors of violence, as domestic violence was considered a private affair. Notions of honour were paramount in fuelling stigma against survivors of violence, as any action to report or leave violent relationships was considered dishonourable. Our findings have implications for the design of services to help survivors of violence seek help for the violence they experience, especially at a time when such services are increasingly constricted for women in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This empirical research documented voices of women and girls in female shelters and prisons in Samangan, Laghman and Wardak provinces who experienced systematic sexual and gender based violence before and after they escaped forced marriages, forced virginity tests, physical and sexual violence. Women who challenged the status quo, fundamentalism and extremism faced imprisonment for up to five years. The research interviewed primary, secondary and territory health care professionals, who carried out or witnessed invasive virginity tests. The evidence suggests that women are being deprived of basic human rights of exercising autonomy and freedom. It shows difficulties some health professionals' encounter in documenting, reporting and treating cases of violence against women and girls. The research concludes that a survivor-centered approach, and secular framework is required against tyranny, misogyny and oppression. Instead of imposing moral arguments and harmful laws that undermine women's rights, brave leadership at many levels is required to tackle health inequities, dismantle patriarchy, counter fundamentalism and other entrenched systems of inequality. A new kind of feminist citizenship is needed not based on identity but political values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]