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In recent years masculinity studies writers, in particular R. W. Connell, have focused on the relationship between globalization and ‘hegemonic’ forms of masculinity. This paper provides an assessment of this scholarship and argues that whilst Connell and others have usefully identified the gendered nature of globalization, masculinity scholars have also provided a somewhat limiting account of the global hegemonic role of a monolithic top-down ‘transnational business masculinity’. By contrast, we suggest a demassification of this notion of hegemonic masculinity. Such a demassification enables the opening up of a dialogue between masculinity studies and feminist and other critical globalization scholars, allowing for a more nuanced analysis that can attend to both the unevenness of globalization in different settings and more detailed awareness of interactions between global and local/cultural/state imperatives. Our aim here is to move away from conceptualizations of globalization and hegemonic masculinity...

This article aims for a critical engagement with the new spaces for social movement politics. Recent literature focusing on the relationship between globalization and these spaces foregrounds the new opportunity structures for political practices. Yet amid talk of ‘grassroots globalization’ and ‘globalization from below’, it is important to remain sensitive to how certain forms of practice and organization, particularly those of labor unions, are marginalized within the political spaces of globalization. This paper investigates how the political spaces of globalization shaped the nationalization of gas resources in Bolivia. Nationalization was achieved by new social movements partly negotiating within political spaces opened by globalization. Yet the interests and demands of labor unions were significantly marginalized in implementation. ‘Actually existing’ nationalization can best be described as a pragmatic renegotiation of contracts, in response to a dual pressure from new social movements and from eco...

This article draws a parallel between two different but related debates in international political economy: first, the (Marxist) argument that if there is one thing worse than being exploited in capitalist society, it is not being exploited; second, the argument that developing countries are poor because they are insufficiently globalized. The paper challenges the second argument outright and suggests that the first is too simplistic, and does so by focusing on the question of dualism. In discussing the globalization of manufacturing production, the article demonstrates the reality of continued hierarchies in the world economy, and how these undermine dualist accounts of insufficient exploitation and/or globalization. Finally, I draw some conclusions based on an alternative understanding of globalization and labour. A Chinese version of this article's abstract is available online at: www.informaworld.com/rglo

Social scientists have developed two main arguments regarding the impacts of globalization on environmental activism and politics. Environmental activism is thought to be associated with instances of local resistance to transnational corporations, and also with a diffusion of environmentalist ideas, practices, and regulations from global core to periphery. Alternatively, this paper argues that by eroding states' sovereignty and supporting ethnic and religious minority groups within and across nations, globalization processes have fused environmental politics with ethnic and religious identity politics worldwide. The environmentalist discourses and activities of Islamist intellectuals and Alevis (a large religious minority) in Turkey since the 1980s illustrate the limited applicability of center–periphery models of globalization, and the complexity of globalizations' impacts on environmental activism and politics. A Chinese version of this article's abstract is available online at: www.informaworld.com/rglo

Efforts to counter ecological and socio-economic degradation have put coffee at the forefront of a new sustainability movement to reform negative globalization trends. This paper focuses on the possibilities of and challenges to sustainable certification efforts with particular focus on biodiversity conservation concerns. It presents the potential contributions from scientists in the certification processes, particularly to ensure that concern actually translates into measurable progress toward conservation goals. The benefits of unifying the three main certifications (organic, Fair Trade, and eco-friendly or shade grown), or triple-certified coffee, are explored. In general, benefits for biodiversity conservation and social justice from sustainable coffee certification can only be enhanced by greater cooperation among the current market-based efforts and scientists researching this unique response to globalization. 1A Chinese version of this article's abstract is available online at: www.informa...

Fish and fishery products represent a dynamic sector of the world's global food economy. Changes in supply, market demands, and fishery regulations have major impacts on regional fisheries in the US. Many small and mid-size fishing operations have been adversely affected by these changes and have undertaken different strategies to overcome economic hardships and survive in the global marketplace. This paper will discuss two such fisheries in the Pacific Northwest, the Pacific salmon and troll-caught albacore fisheries, and show how they have met the challenges of globalization. Different examples of branding, marketing, and responses to market change have helped mitigate some of the negative impacts of increasing competition. The need for working cooperatively among disparate groups for resource management, utilization, and marketing is becoming more critical for small and mid-size enterprises to survive and prosper in a global economy. A Chinese version of this article's abstract is available on...

Too often indigenous movements are lumped in with [anti-]globalization, globalization protest movements, or the ‘new social movements’. While in some respects this categorization fits, in other, more important respects it does not. Indigenous peoples have been resisting globalization and globalization-like forces for centuries in the western hemisphere, and for millennia in Africa and Eurasia. While the forms of resistance have changed significantly over time, a key difference for indigenous movements is that they typically are not interested in reforming the system. Rather, they are interested in autonomy and preserving their own political–cultural space to remain different. In this sense they are often deeper challenges to neoliberalism than other movements. This paper explores and elaborates on these differences and their significance for our understanding of globalization and the reactions to it.

The monumental human security and developmental tragedies modern Africa embodies are turning the discourse on globalisation into a particularly contentious pursuit; at the same period dominant neo-liberal epistemology is adamant that all parts of the world are poised to reap its fabled, all-round benefits. Instead of renewal and sustainability, globalisation is exacerbating the fault lines among different social groups and fuelling political instability, civil strife, and, ultimately, state decay and, collapse in West Africa, the sub-region where the indicators and nexuses between poverty and insecurity have become most disturbing. *An earlier version of this paper was presented to the African Association Political Science (AAPS) Conference, 27–29 June 2005, Cairo, Egypt.

During the 1970s, the United Nations was the central front in the G-77's struggle to realize a ‘New International Economic Order’ (NIEO). A key plank in the NIEO platform was the regulation of multinational corporations; this objective was pursued via a draft Code of Conduct on Transnational Enterprises, formulated by a UN Commission created largely for that purpose. Although the Code was abandoned in 1992 after 14 years of negotiations, multinationals were back on the UN agenda later that same decade. As then Secretary-General Kofi Annan observed when announcing this new initiative between the United Nations and corporate partners, the Global Compact recognizes that a fundamental shift has occurred in recent years in the attitude of the UN towards the private sector. This paper explores the rehabilitation of the multinational corporation implied in the journey from Code to Compact as a way to understand the transformation of development discourse that occurred during the last quarter of the twen...

In this paper we investigate the process of carrying out ethnographic studies of organized resistance to neoliberal globalization. We do so by drawing upon the critical and public social science of Bourdieu and Santos, two highly influential opponents of neoliberalism, and by utilizing Burawoy's ‘extended case method’ for the investigation of two instances of resistance. The first is of a trade union, Sintraemcali, that has been engaged in a longstanding struggle over the introduction of neoliberal policies in the city of Cali in south-west Colombia. The second is of ‘The European Marches against Unemployment, Job Insecurity and Social Exclusion’. We then reflect upon our approach to researching this resistance and conclude by identifying two key elements of engaged ethnography, solidarity and praxis, that together help provide new insights into the strategies and practices of social movement resistance to neoliberal globalization. En este documento investigamos el proceso de llevar a cabo estudios etnogr...

The argument of this paper is that, in the age of globalization, culture, in the generic/anthropological sense, is produced, and varies by group, subject, and time. In the United States today the leaders of the state produce a specific kind of culture, here called regime culture, which reinforces the power of the existing regime. It features patriotism, values financial success, espouses a narrow definition of family values, promotes a culture of fear limiting civil liberties, reinterprets the past, legitimates the status quo, and tolerates racism. The handling of the International Freedom Center at the World Trade Center site is a striking example. Culture, in the humanist/arts sense, has been increasingly used to press culture in a specific direction, here called instrumentalized culture. It is promoted as a contributor to economic development, as fostering the growth of an economically productive creative class. In the process, its critical and transcendent potential has been eviscerated. While such in...

This paper examines an issue that can be subsumed under one of the three theoretical points of entry for this special issue: how the idea of globalization as a deployed imagining in common urban discourses (‘the global trope’) has helped to produce a new socio-spatial polarizing kind of governmentality. It is recognized that globalization is now merely a new reality, but also a powerful rhetorical device whose invoking can be a potent political tool for capital in its drive to transform cities. This new governmentality—what is termed neoliberal progressivism—is shown to be shaped and emboldened by this global trope. At this rhetoric's core, a supposed new hyper-competitive reality makes rust belt cities easily discardable as places of investment, production, and business. These once enclosed and confident containers of the economic, in the rhetoric, have recently become porous and leaky landscapes rife with a potential for dramatic economic hemorrhaging. Against this supposed reality, cities are portrayed...

This paper argues that contemporary child and youth experiences of globalization call for retheorizing global justice around a new concept of empowered inclusion. The first part of the paper examin ...

This paper uses Freirean theory and field studies of counter-globalist campaigns to add greater lucidity and normative deliberateness to our understanding of resistance to neoliberal globalism. A difficult tension exists between complete submersion in movement struggles, versus a mythical position of objective analytic detachment. We sketch out the basis for a productive dialogue between these two competing pulls of political engagement and analytic objectivity. To do this, we draw from the writings of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian thinker famous for his theories of popular education. Freire's writings have not seriously entered academic studies of globalization, even though activists in the 'globalization-frombelow' camp frequently draw on his words for inspiration. We seek to remedy this omission, and construct a dialogue between Freire and social movement struggles on four dualisms centred on epistemology, normativity, methodology and strategy. In each dualism, we outline how Freirean concepts can help redefine these binaries as productive tensions to be developed, rather than conflicts to be suppressed. These insights are not intended as a theoretical injunctive delivered from upon high, but are used in dialogue with examples from global justice campaigns in order to clarify what is already taking place on the ground. Identifying Freirean priorities can also encourage openings for more emancipatory approaches to critical globalization scholarship. While academics cannot engineer resistance to neo-liberal globalism from the top down, they can contribute their research energy and resources, becoming more actively engaged in the process of envisaging alternatives. © 2006 Taylor & Francis.

This paper provides a historical overview of the role of North–South differences in expectation and priorities in determining how international negotiations about global warming have been framed and implemented. Our analysis looks at two themes: the problem of technology transfer and knowledge inequity and the persistence of the G-77 as the point of departure for Southern action within the context of environmental negotiations. Our argument is that the North and South remain divided on the consequences of linking environment and development for future policy on conserving the global commons. In particular, the problem of accepting the burden of readjustment appears to be politically unacceptable to both North and South.

The environment was cast in global terms at least as early as the late 1940s. Ever since, the meanings of environmental globalization have changed to reflect broader developments in the world political economy and the ability of various social forces to frame these developments. In the first part of this article, I discuss my understanding of globalization in order to undermine the facile framing of the environment in globalized terms. This is followed by the main part of the essay, which traces some of the key framings of the global environment since World War II in order to highlight the shifting conceptions of the globalized as well as the politics behind them. I close by very briefly outlining some of the implications of the globalization discourse on our understanding of the environment. The twin goals of this paper are to contribute to the discussion of the environment as a globalized issue as well as to the debates over globalization, more generally.

Recently several proposals for more effective, democratic and just forms of global governance have been put forward. In this paper I compare the proposals by the United Nations Development Programme, the International Labour Organization and cosmopolitan democrats like David Held. I assess to what extent they are in accordance with cosmopolitan views of global justice and I critically evaluate to what extent they may be feasible interim steps. The conclusion is that even though some proposals are more radical than others, they all leave in place the current institutions of an international order based on sovereign nation-states, global capitalism and its resulting inequality, and models of development as based on maximizing economic growth. If cosmopolis is to replace empire in the international system, then these certainties need to be open for discussion, too.

This article argues that two key ‘moments’ can be used to indicate the changing nature of anti-globalization politics. The first was the protests at Seattle in 1999, the ‘coming out’ event for the movement. The second was the ‘war on terror’ in response to the terrorist attacks in the US on 11 September 2001. I argue that Seattle and the war on terror represent two ways of thinking about contemporary globalization. The first can be linked to notions of transnational capitalism and Empire, the second to notions of imperialism. The paper therefore deconstructs these concepts, relating them to the concrete politics of anti-globalization. The first section critically discusses the transnational capitalism thesis, while the second section examines the concept of imperialism. The third section then attempts to integrate the critical account in the first two sections. It defends the idea that globalization is in some respects a contingent process, but contrary to some accounts (the ‘half tale’) it is al...

Fred W. Riggs is professor emeritus in political science, University of Hawaii. Since retiring from teaching, he has been promoting an understanding of political and administrative problems usually ignored by comparativists through numerous papers and publications, plus the launching of a global network of concerned scholars and practitioners: the Committee on Viable Constitutionalism (COVICO). He has recently focused his energy on the increased violence of ethnic nationalism around the world and the need for viable constitutional democracy in order to replace civil war with non-violent politics. He has organized a global network for liaison officers of the major groups, organizations and committees promoting research on ethnic problems, and has created a Web site to support this activity. Most recently, he has been studying globalization as a contemporary process with far-reaching causes and consequences, especially in relation to the problems of democratization as it evolves when military authoritariani...

Stressing that the shrinking of time and distance has led to multiplying boundary-spanning activities in diverse realms of life around the world, this paper suggests that unfortunately long-standing disciplinary habits and professional orthodoxies inhibit inquiries into the multidisciplinary nature of globalization. It argues that, in effect, there are many globalizations, but only one international relations in the sense that investigators of world affairs are too rooted into treating the state or the society as bounded and terminal entities to explore the full range of phenomena that presently mark world affairs.

In arguing for the twin projects of globalizing history and historicizing globalization, this paper locates the development of historical scholarship in its own historical context. For the most part, professional historical scholarship has focused on the experiences of national communities and has taken European modernity as the principal guide to the understanding of the world's various societies. In the interests of enhancing understanding of the world and its development through time, there is a clear need to globalize history and historicize globalization. From ancient to contemporary times, several distinct interests—notably those of empire, business and mission—have driven or at least informed efforts to understand the larger world. Since World War II, the production of knowledge about the larger world has come largely through area studies scholarship, which itself has clearly reflected the interests of contemporary states. While area studies projects have experienced remarkable success in developin...

In recent years, much has been made of the idea that under conditions of globalization, more and more people in different parts of the planet conceive of themselves as part of a ‘global society’ or ‘global culture’. Often it has been alleged that forms of consciousness centred around a disposition to see one's own life as a single part of the ‘world as a whole’ are relatively recent products. In this paper we argue that such tendencies, or something very much like them, in fact were present in the ancient Mediterranean world. We examine how ways of thinking and feeling, that bear in certain ways close correspondence to modern ideas as to ‘globality’, were prevalent amongst certain social groups in the Roman empire. Those persons regarded themselves as part of a world that was rapidly shrinking through increasing levels of political, commercial and other modes of interconnection between its geographically disparate parts. By examining these ancient attitudes, we demonstrate an important aspect of the pre-h...