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The ahistorical return to suppress a revolt may reflect the author’s misunderstanding of some statements in Plutarch’s De fort. Alex., as well as his desire to make Alexander the principal in every action.

A new inscription from the temple of Zeus Hypsistos is the first evidence of the Nonae outside of Italy, here presided over by a female slave who probably was elected by a voluntary association linked to the cult.

In Linear B tablet Ta 711 from Pylos, the person who recorded or received the gifts at the appointment of a damokoro may be female and in the household of the queen, and the damokoro can be compared to the Hittite AGRIG, keeper of royal storerooms.

The oath μά σε inscribed on two gems can be shown, in the light of parallels in the authors and documents, to express respect and affection.

Recently offered lists of voluntary associations attested at Corinth can be reduced to two or three dubious cases; in general, the association model for the study of Christian groups needs to be carefully scrutinized aned its local context assessed.

Philo and Clement, in their treatments of martyrdom, exploit the death of Polyxena in quite different ways, as a model of manly steadfastness (Philo) or of female modesty (Clement).

Anti-Chalcedonian Severus’ biblical comments are cited with respect in the catenae, not only because of the ecumenical slant of the genre but probably also because miaphysite followers of Severus played a role in their insertion.

Dionysus’ earliest battles are portrayed, like those of Christian emperors, as ‘bloodless’ and merciful and aiming at conversion rather than destruction—a characteristic that is then abandoned.

For Pseudo-Dionysius, mystical union is not a process of transition to a higher state of being, but the unveiling of a hidden state of grace, realized when the soul has been purified through negations; for man and God are constantly united.

The interjection φεῦ, chiefly in tragedy and especially Euripides, sometimes introduces a gnomic sententia rather than signalling a strong emotion.

The several testimonia on the earliest structures and decoration of the forum, often treated with a general skepticism, can be shown when evaluated individually to be credible in a number of cases.

Two of the basic tools of rhetorical theory, ekphrasis and diegema, usually applied to the visual, are used by Longus also in descriptions of music.

The Syriac Chronicle of the Syriac Orthodox patriarch Michael the Syrian (1166-1199) preserves a fragment of the now lost Narratives of Conon, a mythographical work from the Augustan period.

The “Repeal law” for dealing with conflicting laws is not contradicted by Demosthenes’ summary of it or by other evidence, and the mss. stichometric count is not a consistent control on questions of authenticity.

The mosaics that survive in the Mar Elyas church, today a major pilgrimage site, exhibit both traditional and innovative designs.

The Homeric formula “loosen the kneees,” often taken to mean only kill, can in fact be found applied also to non-lethal acts of disabling.

The proemium’s elaborate account of the writing down of Socrates’ conversation prepares the reader for the questions about testimony and knowledge that are the substance of the Theaetetus.

Four dodecasyllable poems, paratexts celebrating Klimakos’ Ladder that survive in a 14th-century ms., are published and commented on.

The author of city-monographs cited in an Anth.Gr. scholion is neither the famous Claudian nor the fourth-century philosopher but a poet attested in the time of Theodosius II.

An inscribed pierre errante (Australia, Crete) in fact derives from Thessaloniki and reveals there a hitherto-unattested cult association.

The quoted law and Demosthenes’ commentary on it, especially in regard to the procedure of epicheirotonia, can be shown to be consistent with each other and with other evidence on Athenian law.

The testimonia and fragments of Hesychius’ lost history of the Council of Ephesus in 431, the first ecclesiastical history dedicated to a single council, are collected and discussed.

Greek efforts to localize heliotropic points led to varied interpretations of the Odyssey’s ‘Syrie’, ‘Ortygia’, and the turnings of the sun (15.404), especially Pytheas’ ‘Thoule’.

The Suda, in placing Leonidas at Sphacteria, depends on schol. Ar. Eq. 55a and reflects a confusion between Pylos and Pylae.

The movements of the emperor during the Fourth Crusade, traceable through Byzantine and western sources, probably included a mission to seek aid from the Galician ruler.

Two curse-tablets, published here, offer new onomastic data on the region, and a reference to civic guardians of orphans, such as are attested in other cities.

Conflicting accounts in the Suda concerning the wife of Acastus derive only in part from Nicolaus, while the rest probably can be attributed Aelian.

Libanius’ panegyric for Constantius and Constans offers a sustained meditation on the proper role of historiography and its conventions in the practice of encomium.

Reception of theoroi and decrees of asylia, being harmless gestures, are not evidence of the cities’ independence of the king; these gestures proliferate with the growing involvement of the cities with the rest of the Greek world.

Chalcocondyles’ account of John’s conflict with the Genoese ca. 1434 is supplemented by a contemporary panegyric that shows the events to be part of a larger conflict between Genoa and Venice.

The quoted decree on revision of the laws describes procedures for assessment and publication that can be reconciled with other evidence.

Physics 3.3, by distinguishing two kinds of kinesis involved in the same interval, constitutes evidence of a debate on the respective merits of proportion theory vs. harmonic theory.

Callimachus fr.54, in calling Berenice II βουγενής, evokes not only Danaus’ descent from Io but further the Apis cult and that of Dionysus at Argos, important to the Ptolemies, and finally Empedocles’ vision of the evolution of orderly life.

Fragments of Corinna’s poems offer catalogues of women that are local (lyric partheneia with Boeotian reference) and yet also show the influence of the panhellenic genre of epic genealogies.

A scholion in a 13th-century ms., citing contradictory explanations of Zeus’ comments about war, gives not only Aristotle’s view and Chamaeleon’s reply but also a third view as well.

This paper attempts to explain why Hesiodic biographies consistently omit the poet's dispute with his brother Perses even though this quarrel is the dramatic setting for the Works and Days. I suggest that this omission is linked to ancient readings of the quarrel as fictional, which are attested in the scholia to the WD. Furthermore, I argue that the popular story of the contest between Homer and Hesiod offered a more intricate and interesting confrontation that eventually eclipsed the dispute with Perses in Hesiod’s biographical accounts.

The epistolary formulas used by writers in this second-century archive exhibit differences from standard usages that are revealing of individual relations and attitudes.

Evidence in the Geoponica and inscriptions shows that water-retaining holes, rather than terracing, were the Greeks’ usual means of making sloping land arable.

Chysoloras’ response to the funeral oration of Manuel II for his brother amounts to a ‘model for princes’ that is unusual in using Aristotle’s ethical writings and showing Chrysoloras’ links to Western humanism.

The corrupt sentence in which Diophantus describes the unknown (Arithm. 1.6) can be cured with a slight emendation that recognizes the wide and non-technical uses of ἄλογος.

A number of testimonia support the concept of dependent poleis of recognizably different sorts in archaic and classical Greece.

The eagle countermark may signify Heraclius’ self-presentation as a consul in the rebellion of 610, and may have been imposed by his cousin Nicetas in the course of the Syrian campaign.

The image of Argus with countless eyes, suddenly appearing in literature and art ca. 500 B.C., suggests the arrival of knowledge of Persian Mithra, the many-eyed divine guardian and cowherd.

Analogous items in the orators and the inscriptions support the authenticity of the decree quoted by Andocides.

Euripides in IA rehabilitates the character of Clytemnestra by evoking, for contrast, Aesch. Ag. and Eur. El., and, for similarities, the Homeric Hymn to Demeter and Semonides’ Bee-woman.

Scaliger’s emendations, published here from his manuscripts and marginalia, often prove to anticipate those of later scholars and should be included in the apparatus of future editions.

The collection of Hypotheses is identical with the ‘narrative hypotheses’ found in papyri and medieval prefaces; late Hellenistic, it was not written by the Peripatetic, but possibly by the grammarian Dicaearchus of Sparta.

In addition to its recognized interaction with Plato and Hellenistic philosophy, Dio’s Charidemus, in its format, character, and themes, appears to draw in particular on Aristotle’s lost Eudemus.

Asclepiades Anth.Gr. 5.64, portraying Danae as love-sick rather than the mercenary of Christian tradition, inspired Thomas Carew’s finding in her a perfect example of all-devouring passion.

Ptolemy’s self-representation as philosopher is conventional in the Almagest but not so in Harmonics, which emulates Plato’s Timaeus and makes philosophy the result of understanding harmonics rather than the premise.