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This paper explores how masculinity may help us understand the varying ways political leaders are responding to the coronavirus crisis. By focusing directly on masculinity as a social process, this analysis contributes to the broader literature on gender and leadership, unpacking the gendered double bind that leaders who identify as men must navigate in acknowledging and responding to risks. I examine the responses of Justin Trudeau and Donald Trump suggesting that their respective struggles to acknowledge and respond to the public health threat were not simply the result of a lack of available information to inform rational policy decisions. Acknowledging risk and taking measures to prevent rather than 'fight' are not culturally neutral, they are coded as feminine and 'weak'. Clearly, the delay in the response and subsequent spread of the virus in North America was not inevitable, other jurisdictions were able to respond more quickly. The masculinity double bind may have been one of the factors that undermined a prompt response in the increasingly macho context of North America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief paper, I argue that the coronavirus pandemic is functioning like an ethnomethodological 'breaching experiment'. In short, it is putting a gigantic spanner in the works of neoliberal governance, in the process exposing the widening cracks and fissures of what I have called the 'fractured society'. I begin by recalling Garfinkel's notion of the breaching experiment and by listing the principal attributes of the fractured society. I then explore the response to the coronavirus in the UK, from the government's initial commitment to 'herd immunity' to its present policy of 'muddling through'. The bulk of the remainder of this contribution addresses precisely how this global health crisis shines a harsh and unforgiving searchlight on the strategies and policies pursued by governments in the UK since 2010, and most especially after the passing of the Health and Social Care Act of 2012. In the closing paragraphs, I examine possible scenarios for a post-fractured society, making particular use of Fraser's concepts on 'reactionary' versus 'progressive populism', and conclude with a comment on sociology and engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we report on the findings from six focus groups conducted with Australian medical students. The focus groups discussed students' perceptions of conflicts of interest and the influence of commercial values in health care and medical education. Our research revealed that students were aware of a number of structural influences that affected the medical education they received and that had the potential to shape their attitudes and practices as they progressed in becoming a doctor. We found that the pressures of educational workload and anticipated career trajectories tended to have an individualising effect that limited the perceived possibility of collective action and response to structural influences. We interpreted these findings through the lens of neoliberal governmentality to articulate the way commercial interests are negotiated and normalised by medical students. Based on these findings, we suggest that medical education should not only explicitly alert students to effects of political and commercial influences on the healthcare system, but also encourage the collective agency of students and strategies that do not place unrealistic expectations on individuals to effect structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the advocacy of mothers and intended mothers in the fields of autism and infertility. Mothers and intended mothers have developed a special competence in dealing with professionals, and in negotiating the delicate balance between expert medical discourses and expertise grounded in their situated knowledge and experiences. Drawing on the social movement and public policy literature, we seek to disrupt taken-for-granted assumptions about the gendered role of women and mothers in these complex and emotionally charged policy fields. We argue that (intended) mothers are far more likely than other women to take on the major advocacy role considering their need to respond to bodily, social, and/or cultural 'failures' imposed on them by the medical establishment. Issues of access to fertility treatments and care for autistic children not only provide a vantage point from which to study their experience in the policy arena, but also to ask broader questions about the role of the welfare state and the shifting authority of experts in policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yi Nao describes a type of violence displayed in Chinese hospitals which involves organised disturbances led by patients' relatives and/or Yi Nao gangs. Drawing on media reports of Yi Nao, we argue that the phenomenon of Yi Nao transforms hospitals into 'power arenas' in which a struggle over moral and political resources (capital) takes place between patients, Yi Nao gangs, doctors, government agencies, and hospital management. Two interrelated rules that are crucial to understanding the ad hoc local strategies of the actors involved in Yi Nao are examined: the 'publicity rule', and the 'rule of risk-avoidance'. We also argue that the political discourse of 'stability' has been internalised by the officials in the Chinese government and public hospitals in mediating social disputes. At the same time, Yi Nao actors use this discourse to creatively adapt to social resistance, as reflected in the disposition to use performative disturbance in pursuit of material or symbolic compensation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's long and arduous journey from colonial and apartheid-era care for people with mental illness to more comprehensive, equitable mental health care is well-described. Deeper engagement with the structural power dynamics involved in providing collaborative mental health services are less-well described, especially in its post-apartheid era. This conceptual article positions state and non-state mental health service providers - along with their relationships and conflicts - within Bourdieu's bureaucratic field. It is suggested that key internecine struggles in South Africa's post-apartheid socio-political arena have influenced the ways in which collaborative mental health care is provided. Drawing from two recent examples of conflict within the bureaucratic field, the article illustrates the ways in which neoliberal forces play out in contemporary South Africa's mental health service delivery. Struggles between the state and private healthcare in the Life Esidimeni tragedy receive focus, as well as the shifting of responsibility onto civil society. A court case between the state and a coalition of non-profit organisations provides further evidence that neoliberal rationalities significantly influences the position and power of non-state service providers. Unless serious consideration is given to these dynamics, collaborative mental health care in South Africa will remain out of reach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management of a pandemic engages multiple sites where previously settled or uncontroversial understandings may be transformed by global and domestic forces. This article examines the iconography of social distancing implicated in the discourses of 'quarantine' and 'risk control' in public health, and the tension between scientific and popular media readings of the contours of acceptable public health models for managing particular pandemics. The role of culture in shaping and reshaping borders at an operational level is explored as a basis for explaining the apparent paradoxes in the way historic and contemporary pandemics are actually managed, and the different ways particular pandemics are framed. The article argues that a rational-scientific approach to pandemic management is insufficient and that a more nuanced socio-political blend of science, culture and public perceptions offers a more substantial basis for public health policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]