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This article analyzes the use of iconographic sources in the context of educational campaigns to combat Hansen's disease from a socio-historical perspective at four points in time: the 1950s, 1960s, 1980s, and 1990s. Four posters are analyzed to identify the elements (textual, visual or graphic) used to develop discourse on this disease and those it affected and transformations and permanences in this discourse, as well as to verify how they became part of a narrative of institutional memory linked to public health in the state of São Paulo. These were produced by various public health institutions and are part of the Health Campaign Poster Collection held by the Emílio Ribas Public Health Museum.

This article analyzes an experiment to cure leprosy using the assacu plant (Hura crepitans L.) conducted in Santarém, Pará, in 1847, by an Indigenous man named Antonio Vieira dos Passos. The experiment was later repeated in other Brazilian provinces and abroad. This article establishes relationships between medical practices in other parts of the country while focusing on the dialog between official and Indigenous medicine. Newspaper articles and official documents of the time show that Indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants was widely recognized and utilized by physicians wishing to incorporate it into the official therapeutic repertoire.

Drawing on documents produced between the early nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, mainly medical reports, this paper indicates the prevailing conceptions in the colonial medical community and local populations about leprosy, its manifestations, and how to deal with it. It focuses on the tensions concerning the practice of segregating lepers and its social and sanitation implications. To comprehend the roots of the discourses and strategies in the Portuguese and colonial medical environment, the trajectory of the definitions of isolation, segregation, and leprosy are traced, as are their use in or absence from the writings of missionaries, chroniclers, and doctors in Angola and Mozambique as of the second half of the seventeenth century.

This article discusses the requests submitted by nuns from Convento da Ajuda (Ajuda Convent) to leave their life of enclosure to receive treatment for contagious diseases. Disease was one of the few cases in which nuns were granted permission to leave. The female orders were strictly cloistered in order to preserve their purity as virgins consecrated to Christ. Extant documents detail the causes of the diseases, the ways they were transmitted, and the treatments used to fight them. These processes shed light on the procedures adopted outside the cloisters so that the nuns did not jeopardize their reclusion and honor when they went to distant places in search of treatment.

The incidence of leprosy in Governador Valadares, Brazil, in the 1980s spurred this town to pioneer the introduction of polychemotherapy. The aim of this research was to understand how the different actors involved in this context interacted, especially the employees and patients at the Special Public Health Service. To identify the territories that these interactions inevitably constituted, a variety of theoretical instruments were used, including dramatism (Burke) and performance (Turner). By taking a theatrical metaphor, we sought to find out the dynamics by which the different actors took the stage and established their most significant relationships in a dynamic process of constituted and reconstituted territories.

This article analyzes the root causes of the shortage of social support for the relatives of people with leprosy, especially their children, in the state of Goiás, Central West region of Brazil, between 1920 and 1962. It focuses on the constitution of discourses that defined the medical and philanthropic care for the children of people isolated in leper colonies as a problem, and how this process resulted in the organization of the Society for the Welfare of Lepers and Defense Against Leprosy, and the construction of Afrânio de Azevedo children's home in Goiânia, the state capital. These elements are directly associated with the construction of a new approach in the regional history and social and medical policies for leprosy.

This article discusses the historical aspects of the policies for controlling Hansen's disease in the state of Amazonas from the second half of the nineteenth century until the dismantling of this model in 1978. We present the historical changes in the local institutions and policies, and their relationship with national policies. The history and policies related to Hansen's disease in the state of Amazonas are analyzed through the following institutions: Umirisal, the Oswaldo Cruz Dispensary, the Paricatuba Leprosarium, the Antônio Aleixo Colony, and the Gustavo Capanema Preventorium. We seek to show that these institutions cared for the people who suffered from Hansen's disease and those related to them, and were also responsible for carrying out the policies for fighting and controlling the disease.

From a historical viewpoint, all the elements surrounding a disease, from its name to the weight of meaning attached to it, are the result of "negotiations" in which many sections of society are participants. In the case of leprosy, the discovery of sulfones in 1941 made a significant contribution towards transforming our understanding of this disease, leading to questions being raised as to the measures adopted for its prevention and control, particularly the compulsory isolation of sufferers. On the basis of these assumptions, this article examines the debate which took place regarding the process whereby the old prophylactic procedures for the control of leprosy were replaced, in an important national journal, Arquivos Mineiros de Leprologia, in the 1950s.

Some aspects of Hansen's disease and the health policy for those having it in Maranhão in the 1930s are pointed out. The resolution of the disease in that state followed the precept imposed by the centralizing national health policies developed in the Vargas period: greater sanitary vigilance of those having the disease and the construction of a compulsory isolation colony for the contagiously ill largely characterized the decade regarding the prophylaxis of what was then called leprosy. The discourses of Achilles Lisboa, the doctor who best expressed this period, are highlighted here, since they contributed to aggressively mold the public policies of exclusion directed to those having Hansen's disease in Maranhão.

The article analyzes the religiosity of Hansen's disease patients who lived during two distinct treatment periods of the sick: that of internment in asylums and the current practice. Ten semi-structured interviews focused on health, religion and Hansen's disease, broaching the ways the two groups faced religion. In the former inmate group, the presence of institutionalized religion was noted, which served the purposes of vigilance and isolationist therapeutics. Present day Hansen's disease patients still feel the stigmatic weight of'leprosy" in certain situations. Five questionnaires were also given to DHDS health professionals, who presented their considerations concerning the patient's religion and the treatment.

From 1924 to 1962, Brazil used compulsory internment of Hansen's disease patients as one of the ways of controlling the disease in the community. After this policy ended, many patients continued to live in these units. The former Asilo Pirapitingui, now the Hospital Dr. Francisco Ribeiro Arantes, is the only old-style asylum for the socially determined internment of those suffering from Hansen's disease. Through recorded and transcribed interviews of eight of those remaining, we sought to learn their history and the meaning of this isolation in their lives. The thematic analysis of the discourse enabled identification of the following analysis categories: Hansen's disease; internment day-to-day life; the institution; current health conditions; and staying in the institution after the end of compulsory internment.

The Hospital-Colónia Rovisco Pais was inaugurated in Portugal in the 1940s for the treatment, study and prophylaxis of leprosy based on the compulsive internment model, whose configuration reflects the total institution concept proposed by Goffman. It concerns an important hygiene project of the Estado Novo. Its educative paradigm combined elements inspired in European social medicine and the ideology of the paternalistic Portuguese dictatorial regime. The Hospital Colony here will be thought of as a disciplinary dispositive, developing considerations regarding the confrontation between disciplinary power and experience. Memory emerges as a contingent instrument to access the practices and interstitial meanings woven into the Hospital Colony's daily life, seeking to find out about the experience of its former patients as political subjects.

The article investigates how knowledge of medicinal plants and related treatment practices are assimilated and transformed. Taking as its focus the use of chaulmoogra oil to treat leprosy, it examines how information on this plant was incorporated and transformed into scientifically validated knowledge when 'Brazilian chaulmoogra' came onto the scene. Pointing to the addition of chaulmoogra byproducts to the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz's production agenda in the 1920s, the study establishes links between productive processes and relates these to the period's scientific context. From the late nineteenth century until the 1940s, chaulmoogra oil was the great hope in efforts to cure leprosy. During this period, chaulmoogric treatment earned a place as scientific knowledge thanks to research studies conducted in laboratories throughout the Western world.

The League of Nations Health Organization collaborated with Latin American specialists in public health and infectious diseases from the early 1920s to the outbreak of the Second World War. The League developed studies of infant health and nutrition, and leprosy. The approach was expert-oriented, and designed to develop public health on a scientific basis. There were conferences, tours and reports in Latin America. This paper demonstrates that the Latin American collaboration with the Health Organization was extensive and multi-faceted.

Inaugurated in May 1940, in Viamão Municipality in Rio Grande do Sul, Hospital Colônia Itapuã was meant to shelter Hansen's disease patients. Built in order to work as a small town, the hospital was the stage of several life and work histories. The fragments of these collective and individual experiences have been recovered since 1999, when Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa (Cedope/HCI) was first implemented. It is through the center activities that we propose a comparative study of the history of the hospital and the history of those who lived and those who still live in it.

Deriving funding from missionary sources in Ireland, Britain and the USA, and from international leprosy relief organizations such as the British Empire Leprosy Relief Association (BELRA) and drawing on developing capacities in international public health under the auspices of WHO and UNICEF through the 1950s, the Roman Catholic Mission Ogoja Leprosy Scheme applied international expertise at a local level with ever-increasing success and coverage. This paper supplements the presentation of a successful leprosy control program in missionary narratives with an appreciation of how international medical politics shaped the parameters of success and the development of therapeutic understanding in the late colonial period in Nigeria.

Based on the theories of social representation (SC) and Central Core (CC), a structural study was undertaken regarding the neologism hanseniase (Hansen's disease), the term adopted by Brazil's Ministry of Health in the 1970s. Carried out during 2001, this study interviewed eight hundred housewives residing in the Rio de Janeiro and Duque de Caxias municipalities. It found that Hansen's disease is part of a process of modernization of common thinking, anchored in the additional representation of leprosy. This finding is understandable from the perspective that the central structure of a social representation has a historical determination, so short -and middle-term changes are not to be expected. Furthermore, there has been no ongoing investment in social marketing to make the new terminology more widely known. The authors discuss the relation between social representation and the concept of the history of mentalities.

From biblical times to the modern period, leprosy has been a disease associated with stigma. This mark of disgrace, physically present in the sufferers' sores and disfigured limbs, and embodied in the identity of a "leper", has cast leprosy into the shadows of society. This paper draws on primary sources, written in Spanish, to reconstruct the social history of leprosy in Puerto Rico when the United States annexed this island in 1898. The public health policies that developed over the period of 1898 to the 1930s were unique to Puerto Rico because of the interplay between political events, scientific developments and popular concerns. Puerto Rico was influenced by the United States' priorities for public health, and the leprosy control policies that developed were superimposed on vestiges of the colonial Spanish public health system. During the United States' initial occupation, extreme segregation sacrificed the individual rights and liberties of these patients for the benefit of society. The lives of these leprosy sufferers were irrevocably changed as a result.

The early history of the Mission to Lepers in India is an interplay between politics, religion, and medicine in the context of British imperialism. The Mission pursued the dual but inseparable goals of evangelization and civilization, advancing not only a religious program but also a political and cultural one. These activities and their consequences were multi-faceted because while the missionaries pursued their religious calling, they also provided medical care to people and in places that the colonial government was unable or unwilling. Within the context of the British imperial program, the work imparted Western social and cultural ideals on the colonial populations they served, inculcated patients with Christian beliefs, and provided medical care to individuals who had been expelled from their own communities. Physical healing was intimately tied to religious salvation, spiritual healing, and the civilizing process.

This project presents the complete set of letters between the family of a Hansen's disease (leprosy) sufferer in the state of Maranhão, in the Northeast of Brazil, and the doctor and bacteriologist Adolpho Lutz. For more than twenty years Fabricio Caldas de Oliveira and Numa Pires de Oliveira, father and son, exchanged a steady flow of letters with the scientist in pursuit of a cure for the disease that had assailed Numa since childhood. The 24 letters compiled here paint a unique portrait of the medical and social drama confronted by this family, and the results of the use of chaulmoogra oil and other medications in their search for alternative treatments.

Soon after the Portuguese made landfall in 1500, Europeans and, later, African slaves introduced leprosy, and Saint Lazarus, the patron saint of its victims, into Brazil. Social and political pressure mounted by the middle of the eighteenth century in the city of Rio de Janeiro to remove those unfortunates from the city's streets even before the move of Brazil's capital in 1763. Frei Antôniom the bishop of Rio, founded the venerable hospital that year in the neighborhood of São Cristóvão, He requested that the Irmandade do Santissimo Sacramento da Candelária provide oversight and administration. The brotherhood continues to honor its covenant of 239 years ago. The history of this hospital provides insight into the complex relationships that existed between the citizenry and church and state. Rio's leprosy hospital, now the Hospital Frei Antônio, had an important role in the evolution of the health care professions, progress in medical science, and the genesis of the hygienic movement in Brazil. This study also contributes to the history of a disease that persists in 2002 Brazil as a public health issue.

This report is a preliminary result of a survey on memories and history of Hansen's disease, or 'hanseniasis', prepared by the Fundação Oswaldo Cruz (Fiocruz) and the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) using statements from those who have been afflicted by the disease or those that have fought against it. It outlines the methodology used by the authors and gives a succinct history of Hansen's disease in Brazil, together wish information on the stage of the survey with extracts from our archives of statements. The founding and the role of Movement for the Reintegration of People Afflicted by Hansen's Disease (Morhan) are explained in the testimony of Thomas Frist, a social scientist who worked in Brazil in the 1970s and 1980s, when the country's old colonies were being restructured, and Cristiano Torres, a former patient who spent time in prevention centers and leproseries in Pará state and who is now active in proposing new policy for the control of Hansen's disease.

During his years of study in Switzerland and Germany, Adolpho Lutz published his first articles on zoology, clinical practice, and therapeutics. In Limeira, São Paulo, he began studies on animal and human diseases caused by germs and parasites. In 1885-86, Lutz traveled to Hamburg to study the morphology of germs related to skin diseases, in conjunction with Paul Gerson Unna, one of Germany's foremost dermatologists. He proposed the inclusion of Hansen's and Koch's bacilli in a new genus. In 1889, Unna nominated his student as physician-in-chief of the Leper Settlement on Molokai Island, Hawaii. From then on, Lutz sustained the theory that the disease was transmitted by mosquitos. He conducted research to prove this theory when he was head of the Instituto Bacteriológico de São Paulo (1893-1908) and, later, after he moved to the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz (1908-1940). Although this research was not successful, on commissions and at congresses in which he participated until his death in October 1940, he still held to his conviction that leprosy was transmitted by mosquitoes.

This article corresponds to part of the results of a research on leprosy-related sources developed in several institutions in the city of Rio de Janeiro. At Real Gabinete Português de Leitura, Arquivo Nacional and Biblioteca Nacional, banks, indexes, official documents and photos on the administration of leprosaria and articles on the treatment of the disease have been investigated. At Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brazil (CPDOC-FGV), several files have been researched, mainly those with information on the health policies of the first Vargas administration (1930-1945). This research is part of the International Leprosy Association Global Project on the History of Leprosy. Its results can be accessed at the site http://www.leprosyhistory.org

The interviewee speaks about the endemic disease, which at present contaminates 4.4 out of ten thousand inhabitants in Brazil, the country with the second highest number of patients. When Tadiana speaks about the Brazilian participation in the program launched by the World Health Organization, she explains that WHO's objective is to extinguish Hansen's disease on the planet until 2005. However, she says that Brazilian main goal is to reduce the occurrence of the disease to less than one case per ten thousand people. In our country, the structure and the organization of this program, which comprehends the education and specialization of professionals in order to guarantee early diagnoses, as well as patients' follow-up during treatment, is developed by Sistema Unico de Saúde (SUS) and has been implemented in all the states of the federation. The chemotherapy treatment lasts about a year, when taken seriously. In many cases, the disease comes back a while later. Tadiana comments on the differences of the disease according to the different regions of the country. It has been extinguished in the South,whereas the rates in the North and Central East regions almost reach endemic peaks. Working close to patients and ex-patients associations, first as a nurse and later in the implementation of policies for Hansen's disease issues, Tadiana Alves Moreira stresses the importance of early diagnoses, which avoid the physical damages and deformities that take place in the advanced stages of the disease, so reducing the stigma over the diseased.

This is the narrative of a patient made before, during and after being incarcerated in an agricultural colony in the Peruvian Amazon. In a vivid style, it narrates the decay of the body, the stigma and the compulsive segregation, as well as the hope for a better life. It is the perspective of a patient, something that is difficult to find when researching the history of health. The original publication was possible thanks to the German physician Maxime H. Kuczynski-Godard and thanks to the Institute of Social Medicine of the University of San Marcos that was directed by the professor of hygiene Carlos Enrique Paz-Soldán. We have used this publication for this transcription. Kuczynski-Godard was a German medical doctor that arrived in Peru in the mid 1930s and organized valuable activities in the Peruvian jungle as a part of an effort, which eventually failed, of the Peruvian State to colonize, or really to "civilize" the Amazon.

The present paper examines the first attempts to internationalize the problem of leprosy, a subject hitherto overlooked by historians of imperialism and disease. The last decade of the nineteenth century saw many in the 'civilized countries' of the imperialist West gripped by a paranoia about an invasion of leprosy via germ-laden immigrants and returning expatriates who had acquired the infection in leprosy-endemic colonial possessions. Such alarmists clamoured for the adoption of vigorous leper segregation policies in such colonies. But the contagiousness of leprosy did not go unquestioned by other westerners. The convocation in Berlin of the first international meeting on leprosy revealed the interplay of differing and sometimes incompatible views about the containment of leprosy by segregation. The roles of officials from several countries, as well as the roles of five protagonists (Albert Ashmead, Jules Goldschmidt, Edvard Ehlers, Armauer Hansen, and Phineas Abraham) in the shaping of the Berlin Conference are here examined.

Although Hansen's disease (leprosy) is still a significant problem in many parts of the world, the effectiveness of multidrug therapy has allowed people affected by this disease to be treated on an outpatient basis. However, throughout much of the twentieth century, people diagnosed with Hansen's disease were isolated from their families in facilities known as "leprosaria". This article presents a brief history of isolation policies and the development of community structures at two such facilities, Carville and Curupaiti, in the United States and Brazil, respectively. The modern dilemmas faced by the administration, staff, and residents of these institutions will also be discussed.

In the 1800s, humoral understandings of leprosy successively give way to disease models based on morbid anatomy, physiopathology, and bacteriology. Linkages between these disease models were reinforced by the ubiquitous seed/soil metaphor deployed both before and after the identification of M.leprae. While this metaphor provided a continuous link between medical descriptions, Henry Vandyke Carter's On leprosy (1874) marks a convergence of different models of disease. Simultaneously, this metaphor can be traced in popular medical debates in the late nineteenth century, accompanying fears of a resurgence of leprosy in Europe. Later the mapping of the genome ushers in a new model of disease but, ironically, while leprosy research draws its logic from a view of the world in which a seed and soil metaphor expresses many different aspects of the activity of the disease, the bacillus itself continues to be unreceptive to cultivation.

Since the 1920s, the medical community realized that the strategy of leprosy control based on segregation and persecution of patients was inefficient and expensive. In the 1930s the new liberal government incorporated leprosy within the general sanitary institutions, by merging the Bureau of Lazarettos and the National Department of Hygiene. The disease-apart approach started to be replaced by a more general public health strategy, which involved controlling other illnesses. Prevention and research played a more influential role, and the new sanitary officials saw leprosy in the light of the economic rationality of expenditures, placing more emphasis on therapies and making them mandatory for all patients. Improvements in leprosy treatment became widely known and available. However, the image of leprosy as a special condition and the practice of segregation were deeply entrenched within the Colombian culture and institutions. The rhetoric changed, but to break with several decades of persecution was a difficult task.

A physical doctor with a PhD in Pathology, Euzenir Nunes Sarno studies the immunology factors of Hansen's disease, one of the oldest chronic infections and that is an exclusively human disease. Staff member of an ambulatory that has become a reference on the disease in Brazil with 220 to 250 new patients per year, Euzenir emphasizes that the fact one cannot cultivate Mycobacterium leprae brings about some everlasting questions in relation to the transmission of and the sensitivity to the disease. There are also many epidemiology questions that remain unanswered. Estimates show that, among those who have contact with multi-bacilli patients, 90% are infected but only about 8% get sick. The high infection rate of those who live with multi-bacilli patients but never fall sick shows that just a small number of individuals are sensitive to Mycobacterium leprae. This is one of the questions immunology has not been able to answer. Why do some people resist to it and some don't? The figures are even lower when compared to those who are in contact with patients that are paucibacillus-infected, i.e. a manifestation of the disease with few bacilli. Hansen's disease is known as a skin malady. But, according to the specialist, its first damage is to the nerve, when the area becomes insensitive. Besides damaging the sensitive skin nerves, the disease can lead to motor disability and irreversible deformities, which sometimes lead to the amputation of limbs and protruded parts of the body. Mycobacterium leprae was one of the first pathogenic bacteria whose genome sequence has been entirely mapped. Only now we have the capacity to have more precise assessments. The disease is not inherited, and only in 1986 health services in Brazil began to take the responsibility for both the disease and its patients. During the twenty-year military dictatorship the country underwent, the health system was dismantled. In 1991, the one-year treatment with three drugs - Dapsone, Rifanpicine and Clofazimine- was introduced in our country. Just 30% of the cases get to negative results after the treatment. according to the interviewee, whereas tuberculosis is a highly virulent multi-bacilli disease, leprosy bacillus is not virulent, is a 'lazy' germ at the end of its evolutional process. One third of its genome does not work.

This article elaborates a significant archival acquisition that supplement the collection documents related to the life and work of Stanley George Browne held at the Wellcome Library for the History and Understanding of Medicine in London, specifically his work in the Belgian Congo (from 1936 to 1959), at Uzuakoli in Nigeria (1959 to 1966), in London with the Leprosy Study Centre (1966-1980), and also in his international capacity as leprosy consultant. It also briefly refers to an endangered collection of documents, photographs, files and correspondence held in a small museum in Culion Sanatorium, The Philippines. This research is part of the International Leprosy Association Global Project on the History of Leprosy. Its results can be accessed at the site http://www.leprosyhistory.org