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This paper explores the British art patronage scheme "Pictures for Schools," which sold affordable works of art to educational buyers at annual exhibitions between 1947 and 1969, focusing on the work of "Pictures for Schools" founder and organiser Nan Youngman (1906-1995) as an artist, educationalist and activist. It shows that, while social and cultural changes in post-war Britain around the development of the welfare state provided a receptive environment for "Pictures for Schools," it was largely driven by Youngman's personal convictions and experiences. This paper traces the ideological motivations behind "Pictures for Schools" to the interwar period, exploring Youngman's involvement in two progressive organisations, the Artists' International Association (AIA) and the Society for Education through Art (SEA), which enabled her to campaign for progressive art and education. In doing so, it positions "Pictures for Schools" as a socially engaged intervention into the post-war education system in England and society.

This article focuses on how Dutch newspapers represented the debate in the Netherlands in the 1970s on comprehensive education and thus influenced the Dutch Middle School experiment. Wiborg's identification of key factors of success in Scandinavia was used as a point of reference. The article shows that these key factors did not exist in the Netherlands because of the polarisation of liberals and social democrats. Furthermore, the article shows how newspapers played different roles, varying from disseminators of new ideas to sparking debate and from communicators of political views to a barometer, consequently influencing the political strategies chosen.

This paper analyses the origin, development and fall of the 'school voucher' system in Spain. It was called the Ley de Financiación de la Enseñanza Obligatoria (Compulsory Education Financing Law) (LFEO), and this reform represented the first attempt at an international level to establish a school voucher model for a whole country. This article attempts to explain the importance of the new ideas that emerged from the Economics of Education and International Organisation to understand the origin of the proposed LFEO. It also focuses on its development and the parliamentary debate of the law. Finally, it explains how other foreign ideas began to compete to establish models of equal opportunities in education different from the one proposed. The paper provides a valuable insight into how educational transfers take place, and the importance of the role that local actors can play in the development and, in this case, the failure of such transfers.

The differences between computer-mediated and in-person learning are of increasing interest to educators, both with the rise of fully online education offerings and the move to 'blended learning' when teachers use computer-mediated learning to supplement and extend classroom activities. This paper offers a narrative history of the world's first computer learning system, PLATO, developed at the University of Illinois between 1959 and 1976. The PLATO experience prompted discussions regarding the nature of e-learning among the developers that have since become a ubiquitous part of our educational discourse. While the technical story of PLATO and its place in the development of cyberculture has been told, the educational story has not. This paper discusses the ways in which educators using PLATO gradually discovered that their teaching and their students' learning could be different. It analyses the implications of these insights for the emergence of e-learning pedagogies in subsequent decades.

In 1937, the Ministry of Education in Ontario published a document entitled "Programme of Studies for Grades 1 to VI of Public and Separate Schools" that became known amongst teachers as the "little gray book". The curriculum and pedagogy in the document enunciated a rupture or mutation in pedagogical discourse that broke with previously existing pedagogies. These changes resulted in the creation of a new knowledge archive in the system of schooling that defined what could be said about teaching, learning, children and schooling for the better part of the twentieth century. It also formed the terrain for the production of new educational subjects and subjectivities. (Contains 88 footnotes.)

The paper explores the historical significance of Hindu College Calcutta, a key institution in colonial India's intellectual discourse. Established in the early 19th century, the college faced numerous challenges, including opposition from conservative factions and financial constraints, as it evolved into a hub for education and independent thought. The study highlights the socio-political context and the necessity of an institution providing contemporary education while preserving traditional Indian values. It focuses on the contributions of intellectuals associated with the college, particularly Henry Louis Vivian Derozio, examining his dynamic influence and his pivotal role in founding the Academic Association. Derozio's teachings and leadership inspired a cohort of students, fostering a culture of free thought and intellectual exploration.

This paper has as its focus the life and thinking of the educational theorist and schoolmaster J. H. Simpson (1883-1959), who was not only a reforming teacher at Rugby School but was also the first headmaster of the progressive Rendcomb College. His ideas around education were outlined in a number of books. At the heart of his thinking lay concerns around democracy and self-government and the article explores how these were enacted at various points of Simpson's life with a particular focus upon his work until 1932. Attention will be paid to how his thinking evolved, moving from simple democracy in the classroom to wider decision-making within an entire school. Linked to these concerns were a number of curricular initiatives that sought to offer a point of contrast to more traditional public schools. The article will conclude by attempting to offer consideration of the legacy of Simpson's ideas.

Arthur Seldon (1916-2005) was a significant British neo-liberal economist in the second half of the twentieth century. From 1957 to 1988, as the "engine room" of the Institute of Economic Affairs, Seldon had been advocating the reform of "free" state education. He vigorously argued for education vouchers, by which each parent could be provided with purchasing power and school choice. From the mid-1960s, his ideas gradually attracted the attention of the Conservatives and contributed to the rise of the New Right and Thatcherism in the 1980s. Despite this, previous literature seldom explores Seldon's work in relation to education in greater depth. To fill the lacuna, this paper aims to provide a deeper understanding of Seldon's neo-liberal ideas about education and his approaches in promoting reform agenda.

This article analyses the developments in computer education in French-speaking Western Switzerland in the 1980s and 1990s. It investigates how computer education changed with the arrival of microcomputers, who the agents of these changes were, and with what sociopolitical and economic developments these pedagogical changes interacted. By analysing archival material from five cantonal departments of education and from Raymond Morel (at the time, Western Switzerland's most influential educational IT expert), it is argued that computer education in Western Switzerland's general education experienced three shifts. First, education "with" computers displaced education "about" computers in the first half of the 1980s. Second, from the mid-1980s onwards, office applications became central. Third, computer education morphed into telecommunications education around 1990. The paper contributes to the historiography of local school computers and computer education. It adds comment on the "glocal" histories of computers, which shed light on local computer cultures and economies across the globe.

Staying on in national school to gain some second-level education became a feature of the Irish education system during the late nineteenth century and continued until the 1980s. Following the establishment of Ireland's Department of Education in 1924, the classes in national schools which provided second-level instruction became known as 'secondary tops'. At their peak, there were more than 80 secondary tops in Ireland. Nonetheless, few academics have seriously considered the place of secondary tops within the history of Irish education. The aim of this paper is, therefore, to examine the origins and purpose of secondary tops. It also charts the growth of secondary tops from the 1920s and finally explores the impact of the 1960s reform period on their subsequent decline. This paper argues that, until the 1960s, secondary tops were an important component of Irish second-level schooling, providing one of the few opportunities for educational advancement.

This paper examines the role of school inspection in the early (1861-1910) professionalisation of Swedish elementary school teachers. International research on school inspection has focused on educational reform, but rarely on the role of inspection in teachers' theoretical and practical development. The paper's theoretical assumption is that school inspection was initiated by the Swedish state as part of its effort to professionalise teaching in the 1860s. Using inspectors' reports, the paper examines two specific areas: (1) the quality of teaching observed in the classroom and inspectors' recommendations for improvement, and (2) the development of teachers' seminars and continuous pedagogic development. The results demonstrate that, although faced with various challenges, inspectors contributed to teacher development, indicating the benefit of state intervention in elementary school education.

This paper uses the 1908 "Oxford Report," a founding document for the Workers' Educational Association, as a window onto the internal contradictions of the university adult education movement, an issue that has been neglected by historians of education. Examining the early history of the WEA shows that while the movement was inspired by Oxford Idealism and set itself the aim of democratising higher education, it also drew support from people who intended to professionalise the university by introducing the principles of trained expertise and selection by merit. The confluence of Idealism and professionalism resulted in a ground-breaking but inconsistent educational programme outlined in the "Oxford Report." This paper suggests that the attempt to simultaneously democratise and professionalise higher education was untenable and foreshadowed later tensions within the WEA movement.

The focus of this paper is the history of how special needs technology in the UK was developed for people with special educational needs between 1970 and 1999. Despite the proclaimed potential of technology, this context and period has undergone very little historical examination. This paper will draw on interviews with 52 experienced professionals in order to illuminate this history. Analysis will attempt to extend our understanding of the perceived transformative potential of technologies and the factors that influenced the actual transformative potential of technologies. In particular the analysis will focus on three particular kinds of transformations: a transformation of the micro-technology industry; a transformation of teaching practice and a transformation of experience of special educational needs/disability. These three transformations and the potential tensions between them will be illuminated through two themes: 'Entrepreneurialism versus Creativity' and '"Miracle Cure" versus "Just a Tool"'.

The paper considers the relation between society, science and institutionally-embodied higher education reform in nineteenth-century Ireland. Institutional reform is measured in terms of governance, curriculum, access and teaching practice. Superiorisation, subversion and fusion are identified as characteristics of reformed institutions. Mobile professional elites are viewed as agents of institutional reform. The institutions examined are Trinity College, Mechanics Institutes, the Museum of Irish Industry, Royal College of Science, Queen's Colleges, Catholic University, Royal University, and the National University of Ireland. Historians of education have frequently tended to write commemorative histories of individual institutions. This writer's interest resides less in the institutions per se than in tracing their popular roots and assessing their often strained inter-relationships which qualified their progress and which was conditioned by government's imperative to manage consensus in the changing milieu within which they operated. As such the paper contributes to much-needed research into the university as 'a societal phenomenon'.

Correspondence education, or learning by post, lasted over 100 years in the UK; it had its roots in the nineteenth century, peaking in the mid-1960s. It was also widespread, numbering hundreds of thousands of enrolments, significantly increasing access to higher education. Yet it has been marginalised in accounts of British higher education. This is partly because it was largely private and for-profit and so distinct from the public education system, while the state declined to play any significant role in its oversight. Consequently, little official data concerning correspondence education has ever been available. This paper constructs an account of the history of correspondence education in the UK in terms of its development as a form of academic and professional provision, and its regulatory framework. The paper also considers the reasons for the eventual demise of the correspondence education sector following changes in teaching methods, and the impact of digital technology.

This paper explores the emotional experiences of elementary school inspections, from the appointment of the first State school inspectors in 1839 to 1911 when Edward Holmes, the retiring chief inspector, signposted the prospects of a new era in elementary education. The paper is arranged in two parts: the first provides an outline of the origins and development of elementary school inspection, while the second discusses the potential contribution of emotions scholarship to inform our understanding of elementary schooling seen through the lens of inspection. Whereas previous studies have concentrated on the inspectorate's administrative history in relation to school development, this paper's contribution is to highlight what inspection sources reveal about elementary schools as sites of emotional expression and experience. While acknowledging the challenges a history of emotions framework presents, the paper concludes that such an approach offers a fresh perspective on inspection and school regimes in the past.

Comprehensive approaches to sex education emphasise an integration of the mind and the body via emotions. Drawing on the historiographical shift towards the study of emotions, this paper explores cognitive, bodily and emotional dimensions of sexuality education and social relations. By analysing the institutionalisation of sex education in Luxembourg, the paper examines often neglected sex education material as well as political reform debates in a Catholic-conservative context. The analysis demonstrates that in the mid-1980s, and despite public disputes, reform opponents shared a common horizon in sex education: they promoted emotional education to channel sexual practices in the direction of family formation. As a consequence, emotional education marginalised bodies, sexualities and forms of relationship that were not conforming to the ideal of a happy heterosexual dyad in which 'love and sexuality belong together'. It is argued that the prohibition was part of a twofold emotionalisation of sex education in the 1980s.

Historians have observed that the period 1860-1890 was educationally progressive. This paper identifies the renaissance with the creation of the General Synod of the Church of Ireland in the aftermath of Church Disestablishment. Disestablishment legislation facilitated the inclusion of the laity in Synod. The paper argues that the lay-clerical dynamic generated educational reform at all levels of provision. Post-Reformation denominational divisions qualify the discussion. The structure of Synod--General Synod, Diocesan Synods, Boards of Education and Education Committees--was the outcome of an intense debate as the post-Disestablishment Church of Ireland sought to reinvent itself. The 'art' of the title refers to Synod's adroit use of this structure in promoting educational reform that mitigated tensions surrounding the religious-secular conflict which characterised Irish post-Famine modernisation. Synod's role as agent of educational reform constitutes the theme. The paper aims to contribute to what, regretfully, remains an undeveloped historiography.

Focused on the period between the mid-1950s and the late 1970s, this paper explores the pan-European dissemination of policy proposals articulating "éducation permanente" as involving reforms in the architecture of initial and post-initial education in the direction of promoting 'a long life of learning'. It seeks to identify the key 'policy repertoires' associated with the development of "éducation permanente" in post-war France from the mid-1950s and the subsequent development of 'permanent education' by the Council of Europe from the mid-1960s until the late 1970s. Focused on historical description and analysis of national, transnational, and pan-European policy networks, the paper examines French national networks advocating "éducation permanente" in relation to their subsequent involvement in the policy development of 'permanent education' by the Council of Europe.

This article aims to question the widely accepted idea that female university students in Spain have, in the past, tended to opt for degrees in the field of humanities. Based on an analysis of the official statistics that are currently available, the paper demonstrates that Spanish female university students showed a clear preference for scientific studies, first medicine and later pharmacy. This pattern was not affected by Franco's regime and remained stable until the great transformation of Spanish universities during the 1960s. Finally, the paper argues that the basic reasons for this preference for the scientific field were equal access to the prestigious male baccalaureate curriculum, which was a characteristic of the Spanish model for incorporating women into secondary education, and the uneven prestige of the professions to which the degrees provided access. The conclusion drawn is that, historically, pharmacy was the most common professional career pursued by female university graduates in Spain.

Shena Simon (1883-1972), a leading English socialist and educationist, actively called for the reform of secondary education in the 1930s and 1940s in order to bring the ideal of 'equality of opportunity' into the English educational system. This paper explores the continuity and changes in Simon's proposed reforms in relation to her ideals of social democracy from the appearance of the Spens Report (1938) to the publication of her book, "Three Schools or One?" (1948). In addition, Simon's transnational visits to the Soviet Union, the USA and Scotland, as well as the impact of her international and comparative perspectives on different educational systems on her policy agenda, are also examined. It concludes that as many policy issues shown in the current paper continue to be debated, Simon's democratic ideals and discourses are still relevant in the present and suggest implications for the future of secondary education in England.

Current accounts of the British New Right in education during the 1980s generally begin with an observation of the tensions between its neoliberal and neoconservative wings. The subsequent task becomes to explain how they could be reconciled in bringing about the fiercest reform of education in history. This article reverses the interpretive strategy. It first notes that neoliberalism and neoconservatism had hardly been distinguishable in the "Black Papers" published a decade earlier. Focusing on the doctrines concerning the precondition of marketising education and the meaning of parental choice, it then shows their persistent compatibility to be more an intellectual legacy inherited from the late 1960s and 1970s than a product of practical compromise under Margaret Thatcher's premiership. Therefore, what needs further exploration is instead where, how and why neoliberalism and neoconservatism did eventually diverge. This is clarified by reference to the issue of educational authority.

Contemporary Australian curricula require teachers to promote reconciliation through the teaching of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories, cultures and languages. Engaging with First Nations knowledges and histories in education comes with a very complex and historically layered legacy. This paper examines the role of education in the ongoing process of colonisation by critically analysing historical and contemporary documents prescribing what Victorian students should learn about First Nations peoples, histories and cultures. These documents are discussed in the context of relevant events and policies, from the Terra Nullius ideologies that dominated curricula until the 1960s, through the growing agenda of self-determination in the 1970-1980s, and into the current swinging pendulum of political agendas. It is argued that contemporary curricula and policies promote reconciliation without embracing the necessary social justice and decolonising ideologies.

This paper proposes a historical analysis of the development of teaching roles at Aalborg University Centre in its first 10 years. The research highlights three processes through which the interpretation of the new "supervisor" roles was constructed within the problem-oriented, project-based educational model of AUC. First, the authors show that the institutional framework for teaching roles was deliberately left open to significant interpretation from the various faculties of the university; second, the critical theoretical model that had served as a guideline for the inception of project work in Roskilde failed to make an impact in Aalborg, whereas teachers from AUC were more receptive to constructivist psychology as a theoretical framework for practice; third, through community-building and negotiation within the faculties, different interpretations of teaching roles emerged in the different disciplines. The paper closes with a reflection on the implications of these findings for the more general context of higher education.

This paper seeks to explore the development, impact and contribution made by the New Ideals in Education conferences, which were held between 1914 and 1937. In particular, it will examine how the group emerged from the English Montessori Society and forged an identity of its own based on the thoughts and ideas of its two major protagonists: Edmond Holmes and the Earl of Lytton. This was especially manifest in its commitment to a form of non-partisanship that sought to be inclusive as possible towards those agitating for liberty within the classroom. The paper will also examine the profound impact played by the First World War, whose events were a catalyst not merely for impelling the group to discuss and showcase practice but also how this could be applied in the reconstruction process. In so doing it will chart the evolution of the New Ideals movement, which fizzled out just prior to the Second World War.

This paper discusses the development of economic higher education in Czechoslovakia from 1945 to 1953, ie before the emergence of new economic universities with the same name: University of Economics (Vysoká škola ekonomická) in Prague and Bratislava. Its aim is to determine possible similarities and differences in economic education between the Czech lands and Slovakia. Although the paper embraces the issue comprehensively, the main focus is on the comparison of two of the most important colleges, the Commercial College in Prague and Slovak College of Commerce in Bratislava. It concludes and claims that despite the Czechoslovak uniform policy in tertiary education, there were undoubtedly some national differences. Essentially, they stemmed from different networks and the number of economic schools in the Czech lands and Slovakia and from different prior traditions. Overall, Slovaks endeavoured to continue with the preceding development more than Czechs.

This paper uses a specific phenomenon of early-modern education in Sweden, the school jail, as a point of departure for a broader analysis of educational policy in the areas of discipline and moral instruction. The paper demonstrates how the jail evolved as a part of a wider network of objects, pedagogical technologies and social routines in this area and how this gradually came to change. From being part of a disciplinary rationale leaning on public corporal punishment, the prison was successively set aside in favour of new symbolic and more productive forms of discipline. This process of modernisation also enforced spatial and material reconfigurations, as the classroom acquired a more prominent role as an arena for regulatory practice. The paper also suggests a shift of the general scope in formal policy from a religious frame of reference towards a more secular and independent positioning of schooling.

Education played a vital role in the shifting nature of colonial administration and the reshaping of colonial relations in the nineteenth century. The activities that occurred within classrooms shaped the behaviour and identity of children towards an imperial norm while beyond the school walls the changing management structure tied various local actors together within state regulations. This paper examines the process of centralising education in Trinidad. While influenced by the model of nationalised education emerging in white-settler colonies, the constellation of local relations resulted in something uniquely different. Reforms in Trinidad demonstrate how colonial governance was reshaped by co-opting non-state actors into its functioning but had to ensure that those actors maintained their field of independent actions to do so. While educational reforms took a unique path in Trinidad, the expanding influence from the colonial centre eventually shaped the education system to align with other systems elsewhere in the Empire.

This paper explores relations between literacy education, ideology and politics, based on an analysis of educational reforms during Soviet and US military occupation in North and South Korea. Following the end of the Second World War, anti-illiteracy campaigns in the two Koreas became important means of political socialisation for Koreans amid the ideological competition in international and local arenas. In both North and South, Koreans enthusiastically responded to the anti-illiteracy campaigns, with overcrowded classes and eager students of all ages and backgrounds. The anti-illiteracy campaigns reaped considerable success in not only eradicating illiteracy but also inculcating the Korean public with the beliefs, ideas and values of the respective ideologies of the two occupying powers. In this sense, the literacy education programmes and seminars became critical institutional agents to transplant socialist-communist ideas and ideals of Soviet education to North Korea and liberal-democratic ones of US education to South Korea.

This paper explores comparatively and historically why Nordic and Continental welfare and education regimes differ in the degree of comprehensiveness of their primary and lower secondary school systems. It analyses how school reforms, reform attempts and coalitions in the post-war decades were shaped by different cleavage structures in Norway and the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia. While the class cleavage was most dominant in school politics in both cases, rural-urban, centre-periphery, state-church and communist-socialist cleavages shaped party systems, political alliances and outcomes decisively. In particular, the rural population was integrated into different cross-interest coalitions: in Norway, its political representatives consented to social democratic comprehensive school reforms, while in Germany, they opposed such reforms. This was related to cross-cutting conflicts concerning centralisation and language in the Norwegian case and regarding religion, centralisation and (anti-)communism in the German case.

This paper reviews the work of four early radical educators: the cultural nationalist Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), Asia's first Nobel Laureate; Bertrand Russell (1872-1970), Cambridge mathematician and philosopher; the Irish educationalist and insurgent Patrick Pearse (1879-1916) and Leonard Elmhirst (1893-1975), co-founder of Dartington Hall school in England. Each represents a type of radicalism that is particular to his own era but resonates in twentieth-century educational provision and policy. Each articulated his political vision through the establishment of a school and all contributed to modern pedagogical practice. The paper argues that ideological and methodological similarities not only compel us to consider them as radical founders, whose ideas are in many ways identical, but to identify them as pivotal theorists in early conceptualisations of education as dissent and disengagement, as a means of decoupling thought and habit from the mainstream of educational practice, colonial imposition or curricular conservatism. In particular, the paper concentrates upon the work of the Irish educationalist and political radical Patrick Pearse and, employing his educational writings and practice as a template for dissension, demonstrates that it was both typical of and reflected the wider tone of early formulations of education as dissent.

Although engineering education has played important roles in China's growing power and influence on the world stage, engineering education policy since the Reform and Opening-up in the late 1970s has not been well documented in current English-language scholarship. Informed by historical and sociological studies of education, engineering and engineering education, this paper attempts to address this scholarly gap by relating contemporary Chinese engineering education policy-making to its broader historical, cultural and ideological contexts. Based on analysis of policy documents and reports released by the Chinese government and engineering schools, and drawing on prior scholarship of Chinese (engineering) education policy, this paper employs the concept of "past/forward" as an analytic lens to interpret and understand four major areas of engineering education policy change in contemporary China: institutional reform, disciplines and majors, training objectives, and curriculum reform.

This article considers the effects on universities of Gutenberg's invention of printing. It considers four major effects: the gradual displacement of Latin as the language of scholarship with vernacular languages, the expansion and eventual opening of libraries, major changes to curriculum, and major changes to pedagogy including lectures. The paper does not find that the ubiquity of books changed the role of university teachers as was proposed in the late fifteenth century. The paper also considers a fifth change: the eventual replacement of oral disputations with written examinations as the main form of assessment for admission to a degree. While this was radical, it owed little to the direct effects of printing. The paper concludes with brief observations on the implications of the earlier information revolution for understanding the effects on universities of the current information revolution.

Visual images played an increasing role in professional discourse and in popular and political debate about progressive education over a century or more. In the early 1900s photography was adopted by some progressive texts to convey new ideas illustrated by practice. This paper highlights an iconic example: John and Evelyn Dewey's celebrated "Schools of To-Morrow" (1915), with reference to a small selection of its photographic illustrations. Consideration is given to how images were constructed, their status as historical evidence and issues of interpretation. Comparison is made with other illustrated works, preceding and following Schools of "To-Morrow", by advocates of child- or student-centred pedagogies. The article urges critical reflection on visual representation in arguments for and against progressivism in more recent times. Insights drawn from earlier examples should be borne in mind by historians seeking to evaluate the role of pictorial sources in discourses of pedagogical reform.

Teachers in China are regarded as vulnerable to sociopolitical changes. This paper, however, focuses on the resilience and innovativeness of state-selected expert teachers--the recipients of the Special Rank Teacher (SRT) award. This award was the product of a transitional period in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, and was an act of rehabilitation for the teaching profession. Using a biographical approach, this paper analyses how the intentions of the award were reflected in the choice of recipients. It contributes to a deeper understanding of teachers in China and the notion of teaching excellence that the state-recognised teachers exemplify. (Contains 2 tables and 66 footnotes.)

This paper documents the introduction of the comprehensive schools in the Irish education system in 1963 and seeks to illustrate how the two most powerful organisations most directly involved in Irish education during this period, the Department of Education and the Catholic Hierarchy, viewed the introduction of the comprehensive schools. Through an in-depth analysis of existing correspondence between the Catholic Hierarchy and the Department of Education, this paper highlights the ongoing tensions between the Catholic Church and the government of the day in response to proposed changes in the Irish education system. The way in which the documents were written and presented provides a path of access to the mindsets of the participants in relation to the policy issue and processes that they were engaged in. Thereby this paper contributes to the historiography of the period and provides a new dimension through which Irish education policy can be understood at this juncture. (Contains 94 footnotes.)

The twofold objective of this paper is to communicate the findings and the methodology employed by a group of Italian researchers who have spent more than six years constructing an atlas of education in the ancient Italian states from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century, and to compare the quantitative observations reported in an earlier publication on this research project with a qualitative analysis of one particular aspect: changes in secondary and university education and their systemic relationship introduced after the French Revolution in the Kingdom. In Part 1 we discuss the methodology and its achievements in mapping the distribution of schooling, drawing on two areas in northern Italy; Part 2 reviews the transformations in post-primary education, as evidenced in this research; Part 3 considers the fundamental changes in organisation and roles of the universities over this period, with particular attention to the interplay of tradition and innovation. In conclusion this paper reviews the contribution of this major research project to understandings and interpretations of schools and universities and their relationship in this historic period of change. (Contains 51 footnotes and 9 figures.)

This paper examines the discourses and modes of representation embodied in educational historiography from the 1970s to the present and their implications for intellectual identity construction in SA. The paper shows how the theoretical foundations of the liberal and Afrikaner nationalist discourses, which vacillated between race and ethnicity, shifted to social class and gender in radical and neo-Marxist discursive formations of the 1980s. It highlights how the decline of radical scholarship has resulted in a synthesis of constructivist and postmodernist discourses that privilege nation-building, identity and cultural diversity after apartheid within a predominantly neo-liberal paradigm. It argues that the transition to post-apartheid education came to be thought about within a horizon of possibilities different from the rigid paradigmatic tradition of the short-lived neo-Marxist school of the 1970s and 1980s. (Contains 122 footnotes.)

The modern Turkish state and society have been greatly influenced by reforms of the education system. Second Constitutional Period reforms can be viewed as the preparatory stage of Republican reforms and a time when many of the later reforms were planned and given limited application. In this way both periods contributed to the foundation of modern Turkey. The innovations pioneered by Late Ottoman intellectuals stemmed from various origins, mostly European positivists and materialist philosophers. American pragmatism was added as an ideological source during the foundation of the Republic. It can be observed that ideological trends took root from Ottoman times according to the degree that intellectuals were affected by them. In this paper, the ideological origins of educational reforms during the Second Constitution Period have been studied in relation to the influence of European philosophers on Ottoman intellectuals of the time and their ideological environments. Late Ottoman intellectuals were found to have been largely affected by France's positivism, German's materialism and Comte, Durkheim, Buchner and Spencer. The paper reveals how modern Turkey's educational philosophy parameters have been shaped by these intellectuals' ideas. (Contains 1 table, 4 figures, and 138 footnotes.)

Mission schools in Africa in the first half of the twentieth century were in many ways microcosms of the great educational debates of the times. The objectives of policies regarding access, governance and curriculum were part of a historical evolution of mission education but they were also increasingly a reflection of significant new trends that were to reshape the theory and practice of colonial education. New forms of educational research and professional expertise were to play an ever-increasing role in shaping the forms and content of the education provided. The brief of the mission churches was to meet with the increasing demand for schooling. Church and state gradually expanded their cooperation in the field as the costs of education outstripped the resources of the missions and the demand for mass education came to be linked to nationalist demands for political and economic rights. This paper is concerned to map the background to those international influences that shaped the policy and practices of mission education and the increasing engagement of colonial governments with the field of education. It addresses the question of the worldwide Protestant mission church's response to the changing political, social and economic environment of the first half of the twentieth century. In particular it seeks to explore how mission initiatives shaped thinking about education in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America by the 1930s. It also attempts to situate those issues within a wider educational framework by linking them to the emergent debate concerning pragmatism and utilitarianism in regard to progressive education in the USA and the quest for social democratic education in the United Kingdom and Europe as part of a response to socialism, nationalism and totalitarianism. In short, the paper explores the influence of the Christian mission churches with regard to social policy, in general, and the provision of education, in particular, during the interwar years, with special reference to areas influenced by the work of the International Missionary Council. At a time when there was a crisis of support for "foreign missions" how did the debates between fundamentalist-evangelicals and supporters of a "social gospel" transform themselves into debates regarding the role of missions in non-Western societies? And how did these essentially ecclesiastical/theological issues come to influence public policy, specifically educational policy, in the long term? The conclusions are that mission churches had a very significant influence on the shaping of educational thinking in the colonial and imperial context at a time when state influence in the sector was still often quite weak. The origins of the conference and research culture that has informed educational policy since the establishment of the United Nations Organization had its roots in the broad context of the Charter of the League of Nations, with a meeting of religious and secular goals, prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. Between 1910 and 1939 there was a significant history of educational reform and community development that has only been partially documented in relation to its global significance. This is an attempt to build a framework for understanding the nature of those changes and what was achieved. The investigation is conducted through an exploration of the three great World Mission Conferences of the International Missionary Council (IMC) held at Edinburgh (1910), Jerusalem (1928) and Tambaram, India (1938). The attempts of Christian churches to engage with dramatic social changes associated with industrialisation, urbanisation, poverty, cultural change and the rise of anti-colonialism, with specific regard to the field of educational policy, are documented and analysed. (Contains 5 boxes and 114 footnotes.)

Secondary modern schools form the focus for this paper, which explores an aspect of this topic that has received comparatively little attention: the role of external examinations in determining the character and fate of these schools during the 20-year period when they educated the "large majority" of pupils in the 11 to 15 age range. Particular attention is paid to the pivotal role played by external examinations in secondary modern schools' quest for parity of esteem with grammar schools. Various functions performed by external examinations are considered and it is shown that, while some worked against the interests of secondary modern schools, individual schools were able to turn others to their own advantage. The paper ends by considering a darker side to examining, which was asserting itself as this brief period of history drew to a close.

This paper presents a summary and analysis of historiography on social change and education in Ireland, Scotland and Wales, with particular reference to nineteenth-century schooling. The nineteenth century is identified as the period during which Ireland, Scotland and Wales developed distinctive systems of schooling that reflected not only their relationship to Westminster but also significant contemporaneous economic and social change. This paper identifies research which has treated this period, offering brief analytical commentaries on some key works. Thereafter, the paper provides a discussion of developments in educational historiography in Ireland, Scotland and Wales and points to lacunae in research. The aim of the paper is to create the basis for comparative work, and to identify areas that demand attention. The comprehensive set of references is therefore a product of this paper, and not a by-product as is often the case with endnotes to academic papers. (Contains 58 footnotes.)

"Education for all" is a demand that keeps on appearing in various historical contexts and is not just a phenomenon of the modern age. Taking the demand for "education for all" as a normative principle, this paper pursues the questions of how this demand was reflected in pedagogical reform programmes and in what way, as well as on the basis of which arguments, girls and women were included in this process. At the centre of this paper are the educational reforms of the eighteenth century that developed in Germany on the foundation of two strands of thought--Pietism and Enlightenment--and their ever-changing mutual relationship. With a view to the theme of the conference, it seems appropriate equally to highlight preceding traditions and to take premodernity as a starting point when dealing with this thematic complex. The integration of the female sex into pedagogical reform programmes is examined by means of three sketches at the time of early Pietism and the early and late Enlightenment. (Contains 79 footnotes.)

This paper compares the narratives on the Famine in Irish and Ukrainian history textbooks and examines to what extent these narratives are colored by a nationalist discourse. It argues that the story of the Famine in Irish history textbooks has changed from nationalist propaganda to a more balanced narrative, and that this change was brought about by the social transformations in the 1960s. The paper further observes that the current Ukrainian textbooks display quite a variation in the selection and interpretation of events relating to the Famine. Whereas some show a considerable nationalist bias, others present more moderate views. The trajectory of Irish narratives lends support to a theory that relates politicized historiography to the age of a state and to the consolidation of democracy. The diverse pattern of Ukrainian narratives, however, is difficult to reconcile with theories linking historiography to the wider social and political context. This pattern suggests that young states and/or states emerging from authoritarian rule need not automatically entertain uniformly nationalist or otherwise ideologically colored discourses in the immediate post-independence period. (Contains 81 footnotes.)

Because of the political reforms demanded by his political philosophy, Jefferson was always focused on instantiating a "system" of education to edify all persons according to their needs and to prevent those governing at every level from lusting after power and fame instead of governing in pursuance of the interests of the general citizenry. That notion of a system of education--offering a basic education for all citizens and high-level education and access to it for the intellectually and morally elite--at the time would have been unique to Virginia and it showed the extent to which Jefferson recognized both the political ills of his day and that those political ills could only be remedied through educational reform. This paper is a critical analysis of that system of education, from ward schools to the University of Virginia.

In light of the focus placed on English education by the colonial government, and the petition signed by 70,000 local inhabitants of the Madras Presidency, Lord John Elphinstone, the Governor, made efforts to disseminate English education during his governorship (1837-1842). Spurred on by the petition, Elphinstone wrote two fundamental educational minutes, in 1839 and 1841, and established Madras High School. Later, the School was transformed into Presidency College and became the first home of the University of Madras. Elphinstone's planning led to the first systematic effort by the Madras government to impart English education. Subsequently, Elphinstone emphasised the dissemination of secular education and inclusion of native people in educational administration. Against this background, this paper discusses the contribution of Elphinstone to the educational development of Madras. It also questions the historiographical neglect of Elphinstone and challenges the established post-colonial discourse that the establishment of English institutions was a 'colonialist' imposition.

The paper compares the American and Soviet transformations at Kabul University, Afghanistan, during the 1960s to the 1980s explained in terms of Americanisation and Sovietisation. Using new declassified documents from both American and former Soviet archives, the author reveals that both powers attempted to impose their rival models of university education in Afghanistan. However, resistance on the part of the Afghan university undermined both of their cultural influences, thus causing their policies of reform to eventually fail. The case of Kabul University demonstrates the inability of the superpowers to encourage the formation of pliable students and professors. Despite crucial transformations in the structure, administration apparatus, and content of disciplines, both superpowers were not able to change the traditions and values of professors and students. The university community has been proven to be the main cause for the success or failure of any reforms brought to a university by external powers.

The separation of examining from teaching, pushed furthest in the "examining university" of which London University, founded in 1836, was the model, was a much-debated principle in nineteenth-century Britain. This separation was generally rejected in Scotland, but only after complex controversies that illustrate how Scots defined their university tradition in comparative terms, and how Scottish developments interacted with those in England and Ireland. Among the issues involved were proposals for a National University or central examining board, and claims that graduates should have a right to give "extramural" teaching in competition with professors. The paper traces this aspect of university reform in Scotland from the 1820s to the 1890s, and argues that the professorial model and the integration of teaching and examining were successfully consolidated and defended.

Education became a rallying cry in Luxembourg's general elections of 1974. For the first time in the country's post-war history, the Socialists and Democrats entered the government, with new plans for education. The unbroken rule of almost 30 years by the Christian Democrats was over. New "global" educational concepts were employed to introduce changes in the national curriculum, the aim being a transformation from an elite to a mass system of participation. One of these changes was the idea of the comprehensive school, which divided the electorates, parties and press respectively. Yet, this fundamental change has received little attention in the academic literature. What were the differences between the parties when it came to education policy? By intersecting politics, globalisation and education, this paper examines the impact of the election events of 1974 on Luxembourg's political discourse. The conclusion points to the central role the parties played in the proliferation of new educational norms.

This paper, largely based on new, previously unused documents from US archives, considers the consultancy group financed by the Ford Foundation in 1960 to support the school reforms the Italian Minister of Education Giuseppe Medici was promoting. The group was headed by James Bryant Conant, and its evaluations were based on principles of "meritocratic" democratisation: universal access to comprehensive lower secondary school should have been accompanied by "cooling out" mechanisms at subsequent levels. Conant's suggestions were ignored. In 1962, the new "Scuola media" was established thanks to a compromise between the Christian Democrats and the Socialists, and was founded on uniform treatment and equal outcomes rather than equal starting points in competition. In spite of this, the Italian experience was subsequently used within the Ford Foundation to integrate Conant's ideas in their strategies for international programmes, and gave birth to planning studies for national education requirements based on manpower needs.