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The onset of prehistoric farming brought unprecedented changes to landscapes and their biodiversity. Past biodiversity patterns are broadly understood for different parts of Europe, and demonstrate trajectories that have been linked to prehistoric and historic demographic transitions, and associated land-use practices. To our knowledge, this paper is the first attempt to directly link evidence of agricultural practice from the archaeological record to biodiversity patterns. Records of fossil pollen are used to estimate plant and landscape diversity patterns, and novel approaches are employed to analyse 1194 harmonised archaeobotanical samples (plant macrofossil remains) spanning the prehistoric and Roman periods, from southern England. We demonstrate changes in the use of crops and gathered edible plants and non-linear trends in cultivation practices. Whilst, overall, cereal production is characterised by ever larger and extensive regimes, different trajectories are evident for most of early prehistory, the Middle Iron Age and the Late Roman period. Comparisons with the Shannon diversity of fossil pollen records from the same region suggest a positive relationship between developing agricultural regimes and landscape scale biodiversity during the prehistoric period. The Roman period represents a tipping point in the relationship between expanding agriculture and pollen diversity, with declining pollen diversity evident in the records from the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative studies on extinction scenarios are an invaluable contribution to enhance our understanding of their patterns and mechanisms underpinning them. This paper presents new radiocarbon dates based on specimens of five extinct mammal species from Mallorca and Sardinia. The new evidence permits to reanalyse the extinction dynamics on both islands. Radiocarbon ages directly obtained on bone collagen from these species show evidence of different extinction patterns on Mallorca and Sardinia. For Mallorca the most reliable scenario is a mass extinction of all non-volant mammal species as an immediate consequence of the first human irruption on the island. However, for Sardinia, the extinction of autochthonous mammals lasted over several millennia. The new radiocarbon dates of the last occurrence of endemic mammals suggest a sequence of punctuated extinction events throughout the late Sardinian Holocene. These events are here tentatively related to successive human colonisation waves. The current lack of chronological dates for some Sardinian fossil mammals impedes to outline a more accurate pattern of extinction events. The present paper points that Mallorca have been more vulnerable than Sardinia to the external disturbances introduced by humans. We suggest that the capacity of each island to absorb external perturbations could be related to the island area, the duration of the isolated evolution and the degree of faunal complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The travertine-lined irrigation canal networks of the Tehuacán Valley, Mexico allowed pre-Hispanic indigenous communities to overcome risks of crop failures in an arid setting. Segments of these systems are still in use today, therefore understanding when and how these irrigation networks functioned allows us to identify which attributes of a coupled socio-hydrological system are important for maintaining the long-term resilience of irrigation systems in drylands. This paper summarizes the results of an interdisciplinary study of this prehispanic irrigation network involving mapping, radiometric dating, and diatom analyses of materials extracted from the travertine lined canals. All of the canal networks were functioning by ca. 2000 BC, at the transition from the Late Archaic to the Formative period, which is before archeological evidence for widespread community-level aggregation. Provocatively, some canals are potentially as old as 6000–4000 BC, which would mean that hunter-gatherers initiated irrigation coevally with the introduction of semi-domesticated maize, a tropical species which would require supplemental water in this arid context. The canals both facilitated agricultural intensification and enhanced the distribution of aquatic ecosystems. The resilience of these systems to their unique spring dependent context demanded frequent maintenance and the integration of multiple canal networks to mitigate geohydrological vulnerabilities of reduced discharge. These conditions set up a long-term reciprocal dynamic between people and water in the Tehuacán Valley. The results demonstrate that rigidities inherent to tightly coupled socio-hydrological systems in dryland settings were overcome by institutional arrangements first developed by indigenous communities deep in prehistory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Charcoal from archaeological contexts differs from off-site pollen samples as it is mainly a product of intentional human action. As such, analysis of charcoal from excavations is a valuable addition to studies of past vegetation and the interaction between humans and the environment. In this paper, we use a dataset consisting of 6186 dated tree species samples from 1239 archaeological sites as a proxy to explore parts of the Holocene forest development and human-vegetation dynamics in South-Eastern Norway. From the middle of the Late Neolithic (from c. 2000 BC) throughout the Early Iron Age (to c. AD 550) the region's agriculture is characterized by fields, pastures and fallow. Based on our data, we argue that these practices, combined with forest management, clearly altered the natural distribution of trees and favoured some species of broadleaved trees. The past distribution of hazel (Corylus avellana) is an example of human impact on the vegetation. Today, hazel is not even among the 15 most common tree species, while it is one of the most prevalent species in the archaeological record before AD 550. The data indicate that this species was favoured already by the region's Mesolithic hunter-fisher-gatherers, and that it was among the species that thrived extremely well in the early farming landscape. Secondly, our analysis also indicates that spruce (Picea abies) first formed large stands in the south-eastern parts of Norway c. 500 BC, centuries earlier than previously assumed. It is argued that this event, and a further westward expansion of spruce, was partly a consequence of a specific historical event – the first millennium BC farming expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two unique Pre-Viking Age ship burials were found from Salme village, Saaremaa Island, eastern Baltic Sea, containing remains of seven men in the smaller and 34 men in the larger ship. According to the archaeological interpretations, these ships belonged to a viking crew possibly from the Stockholm-Mälaren region, eastern Sweden. Geoarchaeological research was conducted in the area to reconstruct Late-Holocene relative sea-level (RSL) changes and shoreline displacement to provide environmental context to these burials. In this paper we present a Late-Holocene shore displacement curve for the Saaremaa Island and GIS-based palaeogeographic reconstructions for the Salme area. The curve shows an almost linear RSL fall from 5.5 to 0.8 m a.s.l. between 1000 BC and 1300 AD with an average rate of 2 mm/year. A slowdown in regression may be attributed to accelerated sea-level rise after the Little Ice Age and during the industrial period, being consistent with the tide-gauge measurements from the 20th century. Palaeogeographic reconstructions indicate the existence of a strait in the Salme area during the burial of the ships. The eastern part of the strait with water depth up to 2.8 m was about 80–100 m wide. The relatively steep and wind-protected shores in that part of the strait were probably the best places in the area for landing the viking ships. According to sedimentological evidence and diatom data, the narrowing of Salme palaeostrait occurred between 1270 and 1300 AD. Salme I and II ships were buried at 650–770 AD into the sandy-gravelly coastal deposits which had accumulated there in the open coastal zone about 710–450 years earlier. Reconstructions show that the ships were located about 2–2.5 m above coeval sea level and more than 100 m from the coastline. Thus, both ships were probably moved from the shore to the higher ground for burial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]