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Following concerns about social media's role in politics (fostering polarization and spreading disinformation), many activists and civic hackers have developed alternative digital democracy platforms for both deliberation and the representation of public opinion. But how are we to study the role of these platforms, and in particular, their algorithms in the development of issues and the publics that gather around them? This article employs a simple quali-quantitative data visualization to study how a particular digital democracy platform, vTaiwan (an implementation of Pol.is – a tool for generating opinions and consensus about public issues) – formats political participation. We investigate how one particular issue (Uber legalization) was formed and reformed by users, moderators, and algorithms on the vTaiwan platform over time. while the algorithm sorted opinions into a binary of pro and anti-Uber positions, we find that the comments themselves and their sequence suggest more nuanced positions and the potential for dialogue. We argue that vTaiwan may be limited by its focus on simple quantitative data points (positive or negative votes as opposed to the texts themselves) and a forced separation of participants into in-or-out opinion groups. This study contributes to critical algorithm studies and digital democracy studies by offering an effective way to analyse the role of algorithms in democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, European countries implemented several non-pharmaceutical interventions with country-specific policies and reduced coordination. Digital Contact Tracing (DCT) was one of the few interventions on which European countries had a common approach oriented toward DCT apps' interoperability. As most EU countries implemented interoperable apps relying on an Apple and Google's framework, France developed the app autonomously. Recent literature argues that France's choice was mainly due to its strong stance in defense of national digital sovereignty. However, current contributions do not largely cover the issue empirically. Therefore, we aim to better explore the role played by digital sovereignty in the political debate related the development of DCT apps. To do so, we conducted a thematic analysis of 16 documents from France's political bodies, selected from a larger corpus of 438 documents dealing with DCT. Three main relevant dimensions related to digital sovereignty emerge. First, the initially sponsored EU interoperability progressively faded in the French political debate. Then, Apple and Google's involvement in the healthcare domain was perceived as highly problematic. Finally, having national players developing the DCT app was largely preferred. Based on our empirical findings, we further engaged with the concept of digital sovereignty, pointing out its difference from digital sovereignism by highlighting the ontological distinction between practices and ideas. Building on these reflections, we argue that France's stance towards DCT and the related digital sovereignty practices subtended digital sovereignism positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While internet connectivity is a key promise of progress and the rule of law, criminal contestation of state control over territory is considered one of the main obstacles for development. This article provides the first known quantitative approach to the link between urban lawlessness and internet provision. Taking the Santiago Metropolitan Region (SMR) – the capital of Chile – as a case study, the authors discuss the origins of Red Zones (areas where telecommunication companies do not provide fixed broadband). A first hypothesis is based on the corporate excuse given by telcos for Red Zones: criminal activities – and not just socioeconomic discrimination – are a force majeure that impede internet connectivity in specific neighbourhoods. An alternative hypothesis acknowledges criminal governance in Latin American cities, admitting the possibility of criminal redistribution being favourable to internet connectivity where state control is contested. Employing a random effects regression model with panel data from 52 boroughs during the 2012–2020 period, the two hypotheses are tested. Contestation of the territorial control by the state is significantly and positively correlated to fixed broadband connectivity in the SMA. In contrast, lower connectivity is linked to higher presence of poor households, favouring a profit-based explanation for the Red Zones. The results hold when replacing the percentage of contested territory per borough with the murder rates. This research contributes to heterodox views within institutional economics and highlights the need of state-led redistribution in order to retake control of contested territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept 'performance expectancy' is used to theorize about older people's day-to-day use of technology mediated communication (telephone, text/emails and video calls) in family relationships and the impact on social isolation and loneliness. Using theoretical and methodological triangulation six mediation models are conceptualized, followed by empirical validation using a nationally representative dataset of older people (≥ 65 years) living in Wales, UK (N = 2,099). The results reveal that frequency of telephone and video calls mediate the relationship between proximity of family and social isolation, and telephone calls mediate the relationship with loneliness. Text/emails have no significant mediating effect. Qualitative data analysis provides a deeper understanding of conditions that facilitate technology mediated communication. Demonstrating the impact of lifecourse habits, social context and environment on technology mediated communication shifts the focus from individual deficits to other reasons for non-adoption. Understanding the link between the individual, the social-cultural and social structural environment, social interaction, and loneliness requires an understanding of what is important to older people. For example, knowledge concerning the role of embodied presence in alleviating loneliness can be used to better understand the likelihood of implementing successful interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines civil society engagement with the 2016–2020 Airbnb and Facebook civil rights audits as counterpublic strategies to address discriminatory harms on platforms. Drawing on critical theories of (counter)publics, care work, and civil rights, we explore (1) civil society organizations' negotiations with various stakeholders in the audits, (2) the perceived utility of the audits as a platform governance mechanism, and (3) motivations behind using a civil rights framework for auditing platforms. Based on interviews and textual analysis, we find that civil society used dualistic strategies, working with and against platforms to navigate corporate and government neglect of digital harms to marginalized communities and negotiate asymmetric power structures. Groups used the audits to urge platforms to respect civil rights law while asking them to address areas beyond the existing law. They also mobilized the audits to achieve immediate 'harm reduction' from the platforms while simultaneously advocating for government regulation by demonstrating the audits' limitations. In the process, the civil society counterpublic faced challenges from the externalization of responsibility by platforms and the co-option and politicization of civil rights. As a result, we argue, the utility of the audits may ultimately lie in how their limitations and failure can be used by counterpublics to rearticulate responsibility for harm to marginalized communities in platform governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing datafication of social life has led to a growing body of research on data work which focusses on new data practices like self-tracking, new professions like data analysts or new occupational roles. In these new types of data work, people develop strong affective relations to data, and caring for data (quality) is key. This attention to 'spectacular' data work however leads to an important oversight: Much of the data work in everyday organisational practice is done by workers 'somehow', in addition to and alongside their existing tasks. This article sets out to better understand this mundane data work. It asks: Why and how do people in organisations care for data? Based on two qualitative case studies, we present the concept of data care arrangements. Data care arrangements are configured through the ascription of values to (specific) data sets and the work of generating, maintaining, and repairing data. This data care work is not necessarily homogeneous in organised settings but can become stabilised in data care arrangements. Thus, the notion of data care arrangements underlines that data in everyday organisational practice are not an object of care per se, but that data care is an accomplishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article spotlights the role of children from poor, underprivileged families who are drawn into care work to facilitate inclusion for their families in food security by performing fingerprint authentication. Owing to the youthful suppleness of their bodies, children's fingerprints are more likely to succeed in fulfilling biometric requirements. They are also more compliant in having their schooling or playtime disrupted by the unpredictable and time-consuming biometric authentication process. Children's names may also be added on ration cards to facilitate food security for relatives other than their parents who depend on the biometric viability of children's bodies and time for welfare. Supplementing ethnographic data with the state's data of the biometric authentications recorded in the Aadhaar database of India, I make visible the poor child as an 'ideal biometric child' in enabling the biometric assemblage of the welfare state to care for its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this special issue, we ask: What do we see when we look at datafied societies through the lens of care? Following the footsteps of feminist writers, activists, and academics who take care as a vantage point for scrutinising and reimaging technoscientific societies, this special issue brings together scholars from critical data studies who explore what we might learn (and see) when we apply care ethics to the study of datafication. To develop a view on datafied societies informed by ethics, concepts, and practices of care, we propose a move from critique to care in social studies of data-driven technologies. We specifically identify five moves in which a care lens provides a new perspective when studying datafication and datafied societies: (1) a move from data-driven technologies to socio-digital care arrangements, (2) a move from data science to data work and care, (3) a move from technical to situated modes of knowledge production, (4) a move from studying harms of datafication to the politics of vulnerability, and (5) a move towards building communities of care. Discussing how critical data studies and care ethics can mutually contribute to each other, this collection explores how this way of thinking can inform new ways of seeing datafied societies and imagine living and being well in more than human worlds nurtured by care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unexpected chaos of the COVID-19 pandemic brought about a host of political discussions in the US, including conversations about the Trump administration's COVID-related policies. During these conversations, major news outlets represented each political group's stance using social media in addition to their traditional channels. This study explores how those news outlets' political stances relate to early COVID-19 social media discourse with three distinct methods. We selected two YouTube videos about the World Health Organization (WHO)'s declaration of a pandemic from two news outlets with contrasting political stances, Fox News and MSNBC. Three types of analyses were conducted to compare those videos on different observation levels: (1) a video network analysis based on the YouTube recommendation algorithm, (2) a framing analysis exploring how differently the two news outlets delivered the news, and (3) a content analysis of viewer comments. Our results demonstrate that the videos were not directly connected to each other in the YouTube recommendation network, that they delivered the same news with contrasting frames, and that characteristics of the viewers' comments – commenters' political positions, roles in knowledge sharing, and social cues – significantly or partially significantly related to the YouTube channel's political position. Based on these findings, we argue that while news outlets' political stances were associated with the behaviors of all three types of agents on YouTube – news outlets, their viewers, and the platform – to some extent, the viewer groups' knowledge-sharing behaviors did not significantly differ as the news outlets' contrasting frames did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Relationship Dissolution Model (RDM) was used to analyze what and why virtual possessions people retain or delete after a romantic relationship breakup. Participants (N = 406) completed online open-ended survey questions to understand their decision-making process for retaining or deleting relationship possessions. Upon completing an emergent thematic analysis, findings showed that people retained and deleted virtual possessions for a variety of reasons, including documenting memory, documenting emotion, managing the past – moving on, and managing the present – emotional regulation. Based on these findings, the RDM was adapted to include a relationship curation process, which describes the management of relationship memories tied to virtual possessions. The implications offer a foundation for expanding on memory management processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond a consciousness-raising hashtag, #MeToo has become a transnational movement, crossing the borders of many societies. However, outsized attention has been paid to the manifestations of #MeToo in the US and on Twitter when the reach of this movement was not restricted to a single country, language, or platform. Drawing from the concept of hybridization, we seek to understand how the uses of #MeToo are contextualized across cultures, languages, and social media platforms. By establishing a macroscopic computational approach, we examine the global diffusion of #MeToo as a hybrid communicative process across different language groups (English, Spanish, and Korean) and social media platforms (Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram). Through time-series analysis and comparative descriptions of language groups and platforms, we demonstrate how discourse flows, language characteristics, and actors differ across cultural and platform contexts and how public discourse of #MeToo was reappropriated and re-signified in different parts of the world to localize connective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we propose a new theoretical framework to conceptualise Internet memes and to trace their temporal variation on 4chan/pol/. We draw from literature on primary and secondary orality to conceptualise the repetition-with-variation of Internet memes as a form of memecry, which we argue is specifically pertinent to the collectivity of online subcultures. We operationalise its study through formulas: mnemonic phrases that encapsulate important elements of oral cultures, which have arguably regained prominence in ephemeral and fast-paced online environments. While Internet memes have often been studied as single images or words, formulas provide a more complex unit for tracing variation and not only circulation. We offer a quali-quantitative protocol to investigate memecry and visualise the spread and variability of 65 prominent formulas on 4chan/pol/, a far-right space known for its reliance on memes. By discussing several cases, we demonstrate how 4chan's collective identity indeed features typical of secondary oral cultures, while revealing how the memecry of its formulas is entwined with reactionary sentiments and a subcultural struggle for distinction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As social media has become a means of information sharing, knowledge dissemination, and social interactions, it follows that its use significantly influences the formation of attitudes and social norms. Existing literature has raised significant concerns about social media causing political polarization. This study examines whether the use of social media causes polarized attitudes on redistribution by applying the instrumental variable (IV) estimation to the Asian Barometer Survey (14 countries). We find that informational and expressive social media use contributes to citizens' diverging redistributive attitudes, and these effects are more pronounced in countries that are perceived as less democratic. Based on our findings, we discuss policy implications regarding the role of social media in forming redistributive attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technology is widely promoted as a solution to greater independence and better health for the rapidly growing UK older population. If this is to be realised, we need to understand barriers and facilitators to uptake and investigate who wants this technology and who does not express an interest in use. This analysis is based on data from a population-based cohort study, the Cognitive Function and Ageing Study (CFAS)-II, which focused on brain health in older people and included questions about access to- and interest in- internet technologies. The factors affecting willingness to use technologies that support memory and ADL were identified using binary logistic regression analysis. 541 people aged 75 years and older from Cambridgeshire, Nottingham and Newcastle responded. Older adults were more willing to use technologies directed towards improving memory (65%) than towards ADL supportive technologies (38%). Regression analysis showed that an older age (OR = 0.64, 95% CI = 0.34–0.98), female gender (OR = 0.64, 95% CI = 0.42–0.99), no access to technology including laptops and tablets (OR = 0.48, 95% CI = 0.32–0.72), and self-reported physically less slowing down (but no objective health indicators) (OR = 0.57, 95% CI = 0.36–0.88) were strongly associated with UK older adults' lesser willingness to use memory assistive technologies while not having access to laptops and tablets (OR = 0.57, 95% CI = 0.39–0.84) was associated with willingness to use ADL supportive technologies. Older people, females and those with less access to technologies should be considered as target groups by healthcare providers, policymakers, and technology producers to promote technology and support healthy and independent ageing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although algorithms are increasingly used for enabling the automation of tasks in public administration of welfare states, the citizens' knowledge of, experiences with and attitudes towards automated decision-making (ADM) in public administration are still less known. This article strives to reveal the perspectives of citizens who are increasingly exposed to ADM systems, relying on a comparative analysis of a representative survey conducted in Estonia, Germany, and Sweden. The findings show that there are important differences between the three countries when it comes to awareness, trust, and perceived suitability of ADM in public administration, which map onto historical differences in welfare provisions or so-called welfare regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many privacy concerns are related to influencer sharenting, or the practice of influencers sharing content about their children on social media. This study uncovers how momfluencers (i.e., mothers who collected a large following on their social media channels by sharing insights of their motherhood experiences) reflect on these privacy concerns and examines how these concerns rationally and/or biasedly impact their sharenting behaviour. By conducting in-depth interviews with 20 Flemish momfluencers on Instagram, this study reveals that, while they are concerned about their child(ren)'s privacy and take some privacy-related measures to protect it, cognitive biases (unconsciously) reduce their risk perceptions. As such, privacy risks are perceived as relatively abstract and distant because the majority of them have not (yet) personally experienced them. Additionally, a privacy-openness paradox occurs in which mothers tend to lose the explicit and immediate benefits of influencer sharenting when protecting their child(ren)'s privacy, further stimulating them to disclose personal details. These results show that children derive little to no benefits from their mothers' influencer activities, yet are the ones carrying the potential privacy risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technologies of digital afterlife and posthumous communication are more developed than ever, and the possibilities for communicating with digital representations of people who perished are coming to fruition. Studies about digital engagement with death reveals contradicting trends. Whereas technologies designed for interacting with the dead have thus far failed, users reappropriate means of online communication that were not intended to facilitate communication with the dead – to facilitate precisely this practice. This article searches for a fuller understanding of the changing attitudes toward death in light of emerging intentional posthumous communication technologies (PCTs). Drawing on a national survey of Israeli Internet users, the study explores contemporary attitudes toward death and digital afterlife, and analyzes users' perceptions of emerging PCTs. Findings indicate that whereas the general public is still reluctant to adopt such technologies, online activity and willingness to access digital remains are significant predictors for considering digital interactions with the dead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When new technologies like smart speaker assistants (SSAs) enter private spaces, new threats to privacy emerge. Drawing on the concepts of privacy work [Nippert-Eng, C. E. (2010). Islands of privacy. University of Chicago Press.] and contextual integrity [Nissenbaum, H. F. (2010). Privacy in context: Technology, policy, and the integrity of social life. Stanford Law Books.], this study uses qualitative interviews to explore two questions about SSAs: (1) Which kinds of privacy work do users do?, and (2) What rationales underlie users' privacy perceptions? We identify a variety of new types of privacy work, such as limiting the dissemination of one's voice data to a single company, or interrupting conversations during accidental SSA activation. We also identify new privacy rationales including anticipated consequences of information leaks, the importance of users' privacy skills and awareness, and the role of choice in whether and how to use SSAs. Based on our analysis of privacy rationales, we propose an expansion of the model of contextual integrity [Nissenbaum, H. F. (2010). Privacy in context: Technology, policy, and the integrity of social life. Stanford Law Books.] to improve our ability to understand how users perceive privacy with SSAs and other voluntarily adopted home information technologies. Furthermore, we find that even SSA users who say they have no privacy concerns actually work to protect their privacy. These results complicate previous theory which said that privacy concerns lead to protective behaviour because they suggest that the relationship between these two concepts may be reversed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's main aim is to analyse public discourses about tax avoidance in Spain by studying the scandal stirred up by the announcement by ElRubius (the most popular YouTuber in Spain, with 40.3 million subscribers) that he was moving to Andorra to pay lower taxes. To fulfil this aim, we use thematic analysis to study the most viewed and commented videos posted on YouTube by both YouTubers and the traditional media, as well as their comments sections, to identify how taxes are defined, how YouTubers and their audiences are portrayed and what forms of identification these stories offer. Our results show that ElRubius' announcement sparked a polarised debate. On the one hand, traditional media framed the debate as a moral one, attacked ElRubius using a 'naming and shaming' strategy and defended redistributive taxes as a means of financing public services and achieving wealth redistribution. On the other hand, YouTubers defended a neoliberal agenda by portraying taxes as a burden, promoting self-interest and denouncing the Spanish state as too big, inefficient and corrupt. The analysis of the comments shows how the traditional media strategy of shaming ElRubius failed, as audiences mostly identified with him and endorsed the discourse of YouTubers who defended him. Thus, although the welfare state is still very much legitimised in Spain, we can see how new hegemonies are being created and promoted in the context of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution seeks to demonstrate how studying memes as a collection depends on the website or platform where they are sourced. To do so, we compare how memes, specifically internet memes, are conceived in the well – known meme repository (Know Your Meme) with those from a meme host and generator (Imgur), an imageboard (4chan), a short-form video hosting site (TikTok) as well as a marketing data dashboard (CrowdTangle). Building on insights from software studies and our observational analysis, we demonstrate how each site constructs and arranges meme collections in a distinctive manner, thus affecting the conceptualisation of memes by each of these sites. In all, the piece develops the concept of the meme as a technical collection of content, discussing how each collection's distinctiveness has implications for meme research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies recoding practices on the Chinese internet that reframe controversial contents in a socialist discourse to circumvent censorship. Drawing on three cases of 'socialist recoding' for critical discourse analysis (CDA), this article finds different patterns of recoding strategies and power relations manifested in these practices, depicting the nuances of censorship-evading practices in different responses to censorship including but not limited to resistance, negotiation, and problematisation. This article argues that these recodings negotiate terms of censorship and mediate power relations through meaning-making, indicating a permanent instability of authority in internet governance in China. By showing the potentialities of nuanced and pluralised meaning-(re)making practices in contesting and negotiating internet governance and established norms and values more widely, this study advances existing understandings about nuances in China's contested internet and contributes to the broader debate about the decentring and destabilising of authority in contested cyberspace worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educators have an increasingly important role in supporting children with disabilities to connect with and through the Internet. Children with disabilities encounter more risks in connected environments than their peers. These risk experiences are likely to escalate quicker and have more serious impacts for children with disabilities. Yet this group receive less support from educators in their connected lives. Taking this juxtaposition as our starting point, we used purposive sampling to recruit a range of educators who support children with disabilities aged 8–16 years. We used online semi-structured interviews to collect data from 30 educational professionals over a 5-month period (May–September 2021). Our thematic discourse analysis identified three main themes depicting how educators experience and make sense of the connected lives of children with disabilities: fortresses and frontiers, patrolling the borders and getting comfortable with the uncomfortable. Our analysis illustrates how educators make use of widely available binary talk related to 'online' risks to create simplified versions of safe (fortress) and unsafe (frontier) spaces. This meant educators frequently positioned their role as restricting access to unsafe spaces. Alternative mobilisations enabled educators to reconstruct short-term online risk experiences as experiential learning opportunities in the lifelong pursuit of supporting children with disabilities to build and show digital resilience. We conclude by illustrating how educators should embrace the increasingly connected lives of children with disabilities through a digital resilience lens, becoming exploration guides not simply restrictive protectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With political self-expression emerging as a prominent practice of political participation on social media platforms, scholars have hypothesized that this practice may have evolved into a norm and component of 'good citizenship.' Empirical findings, however, are inconclusive, as some young people express their politics out of a sense of civic duty, while others view this engagement as a waste of time. Based on the idea that how we define ourselves impacts the normative meanings that we attach to things in the social world, the study explores the role of social identities in people's evaluations of expressive engagement. Empirically, the study is based on qualitative interview data with social media users in Serbia (n = 18). The findings show that engaging in political self-expression does not appear to be a citizenship norm but a personal norm in individuals with pronounced political self-concepts who perceive that their core self-category is at stake in the public discourse. Moreover, people employ social categorizations, such as ideology, partisanship, and social class, to evaluate the content and form of political self-expression as good or bad. Aside from issues of political self-expression, the study challenges the idea that individual understandings of what it means to be a good citizen are universal and static and that people's subjective positionality in social contexts matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of data-driven campaigning have gained increased prominence in recent years. Often associated with the practices of Cambridge Analytica and linked to debates about the health of modern democracy, scholars have devoted considerable attention to the rise of data-driven politics. However, most studies to date have focused solely on practice in the US, and few scholars have made efforts to define the precise meaning of 'data-driven campaigning'. With growing recognition that data-driven campaigning can take different forms dependent on context and available resource, new questions have emerged as to exactly what features are indicative of this phenomena. In this piece we systematically review existing discussions of data-driven campaigning to unpack the components of this idea. Identifying areas of convergence and divergence in existing discussions of 'data', 'driven', and 'campaigning', we classify existing debate to highlight integral features and variable practices. This article accordingly provides the first comprehensive definition of data-driven campaigning, and aims to facilitate international study of this activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emerging activist tactic on visual-based social media such as Instagram, slideshow activism adapts the production and consumption of political information to the logic of the platform. In so doing, slideshow activism provides followers with an ideal subject position for civic engagement. By examining a popular slideshow activist Instagram account, we outline the features of this activist tactic and its mobilizing appeal. The qualitative content analysis of a sample of 50 posts reveals that slideshow activism addresses its followers as individuals who are actively staying well-informed on the social justice dimension of a wide range of political issues and are constantly engaged in self-transformation in order to become better citizens. This ideal, we argue, entrenches social justice as a core political value for civic engagement, and recommends a mix of argumentation and personal transformation as the everyday means for individuals to bring about political change. We further explore the consequences of this subject position for citizen engagement with politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of scholarship on platform governance focuses on for-profit, corporate social media with highly centralized network structures. Instead, we show how non-centralized platform governance functions in the Mastodon social network. Through an analysis of survey data, Github and Discourse developer discussions, Mastodon Codes of Conduct, and participant observations, we argue Mastodon's platform governance is an exemplar of the covenant, a key concept from federalist political theory. We contrast Mastodon's covenantal federalism platform governance with the contractual form used by corporate social media. We also use covenantal federalist theory to explain how Mastodon's users, administrators, and developers justify revoking or denying membership in the federation. In doing so, this study sheds new light on the innovations in platform governance that go beyond the corporate/alt-right platform dichotomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing availability of data search tools brings opportunities for non-expert users. Among these users, interdisciplinary researchers and data journalists represent a growing population whose work can lead to societal benefit. Through in-depth interviews, we examine what strategies and approaches researchers and journalists adopt to search online data, how they apply current technology to facilitate dataset search, and the barriers and difficulties that they encounter in their work with data. Our findings reveal that with technological limitations in the aspects of searchability, interactivity and usability, dataset search for non-experts remains a challenge. We have found that little attention has been paid to non-experts' emerging data need, significantly constraining the design and development of technological tools for supporting non-expert users. Our findings underline the critical impact of the design, development and deployment of technological tools to enable the meaningful use of today's increasingly available data toward a civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platforms are increasingly becoming an important tool to mobilize populist right-wing issues and movements. This study provides comparative insights into the activity and engagement of right-wing populist parties on three social media platforms (Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter) in four Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland). Based on a quantitative analysis of social media data, we conclude that Facebook is the most successful platform for right-wing populists across all four countries and that the right-wing populists in Sweden have the strongest position across platforms. Furthermore, we explore the content of the most engaging status updates qualitatively to identify a potential set of populist platform strategies. We conclude that the right-wing populist platform strategies are not radically different from other parties though the populist agenda and anger-based style of communication may cater particularly well to the network media logics of each platform. This could explain the relative success of right-wing populist parties that we identify in all four Nordic countries, even though it is important to note that the success is only moderate in some cases with notable national variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data suggests that the majority of citizens in various countries came across 'fake news' during the COVID-19 pandemic. We test the relationship between perceived prevalence of misinformation and people's worries about COVID-19. In Study 1, analyses of a survey across 17 countries indicate a positive association: perceptions of high prevalence of misinformation are correlated with high worries about COVID-19. However, the relationship is weaker in countries with higher levels of case-fatality ratios, and independent from the actual amount of misinformation per country. Study 2 replicates the relationship using experimental data. Furthermore, Study 2 demonstrates the underlying mechanism, that is, perceived prevalence of misinformation fosters the belief that COVID-19 is spiralling out of control, which in turn, increases worries. Our findings suggest that perceived prevalence of misinformation can have significant psychological effects, even though audience members reject the information as being false. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the emergence of such videos addressing Tourette syndrome on YouTube, in which affected persons present themselves, Tourette experts observe an increasing number of patients showing Tourette-like symptoms. Interviews show that they are not only familiar with these videos but have also dealt with them in different ways. Medical analyses combined with the evaluations of the interviews give reason to believe that the videos can be interpreted as triggers for certain groups of people. The evaluation of the data on the media use of the patients traces their subjective use of social media as well as their opinions on central content to get insight on how the use of the videos in question is integrated into their media activities. It becomes apparent that the trigger function of the videos cannot be explained by a consistent mode of reception. Further contextual variables must be taken into account to understand the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the collection of digital media and engagement with underrepresented groups, memory institutions aspire to preserve and interpret a range of contemporary perspectives on culture and identity. These institutions simultaneously seek to provide experiences that foster civic identities and cultural citizenship. This article explores the potential of collecting internet memes, a specific form of digital media, to further these institutional aims. Through an empirical study of a youth engagement program at a Norwegian folklore archive, we conclude that collecting and contextualizing image macros in collaboration with young people is an institutionally viable and inclusionary approach to documenting new expressions of culture and everyday life. The project further created a context in which young people could exercise competencies related to the development of a civic identity. These findings are relevant for cultural heritage institutions which aim to diversify the forms of digital media, knowledge practices and perspectives represented in their collections, and for cultural heritage professionals who aim to engage youth or marginalized communities. Extending recent research on internet memes as resources for meaning-making the study also underscores the value of participatory research methodologies which deliberately invite individuals' interpretations of digital culture and analytical approaches that account for the richness of internet memes and image macros as semiotic resources for narrating identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 European Parliament elections seemingly fostered concerted political action among radical right parties (RRPs) to fortify their positions and mobilize publics on a pan-European scale. Digital platforms provide central infrastructure for networks among political actors and user interactions on the ground. Our study, therefore, investigates the intra- and transnational networking on Twitter established by RRPs' strategic communication and user interactions. To understand how distinct political and media-related opportunity structures align with different intensities, types, and meanings of digital connections, we investigate the salience, actor types, and geographical scopes as well as the functions of digital connections within and across Twitter networks in Austria, France, Germany, Italy, Poland, and Sweden during the EP election campaigns. Our results indicate the influence of parties' structural power position on networked communication: The ecologies around RRPs in government reflect their integration in national discourses and competition. The networks of RRPs in opposition display a self-referential campaign ecology for the promotion and distribution of candidates, content, and positions. Transnationality in these networks is structured by EU-level collaboration and driven by civil society and political entrepreneurs, who appear keener to mobilize across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sharenting is an emerging trend in social network sites, where parents share identifiable information about their children online. Studies related to the phenomenon of sharenting are predominantly focused on the context of Western countries. However, little is known about the sharenting practices of different demographics, including Middle Eastern parents. To bridge this gap, the current study aims to investigate the sharenting practices of Iranian parents on Instagram through netnography and semi-structured interviews. The findings indicate that parents develop their social and family relationships by disclosing their child's personal information. In addition, the findings show that some participants' concerns regarding the drawbacks of sharenting are rooted in the cultural manifestation of the 'evil eye'. Regarding protection strategies, parents have difficulty defining online privacy boundaries and use poor strategies to manage their sharenting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The far right is notoriously effective in its use of digital media to mobilize people and to build a sense of collective identity around oppositional cultures. Yet, while research has begun to explore far-right groups' social media hyperlinking activities, relatively little is known about the purposes and communicative functions of this form of communication. By combining social network analysis and qualitative content analysis on Facebook data obtained from 17 PEGIDA and Generation Identity Facebook pages in the period around the so-called 'refugee crisis' (2015–2017), this exploratory study investigates the linked source types and their purposes. We find that the groups predominantly link to mainstream media, far-right media and far-right non-institutional groups. While there are great overlaps in the communicative functions and purposes of the links for the two networks, the PEGIDA groups mainly focus on the promotion of political issues, especially around the opposition to third-country (Muslim) immigration, while the GI groups use them for self-promotional purposes. These differences are largely explainable by the groups' adverse (online) mobilization aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With society becoming increasingly digital, new opportunities are afforded to potential offenders to weaponize digital features and affordances to carry out their crimes. As a result, concerns persist over online forms of crime, particularly cybercrime involving sexual exploitation, and what can be done about them. Drawing on interview and focus group data collected from 70 sex crime investigators from police service organizations across Canada, we uncover police perspectives on online sex-based crime. We demonstrate that police perceive online crimes to not necessarily be new forms of crime, but rather altered by digital media in terms of methods and weapons being used. We focus on uncovering the features and affordances police identify as contributing to the increase in crime itself as well as the creation of greater opportunities for crime to occur. In addition, resulting from crime shifting into digital spaces, we uncover the challenges digital media has presented for police in terms of how they handle, respond to, and investigate online crime. We discuss these challenges and their impact on policing and provide solutions for combatting them moving forward. Overall, this article contributes to the current body of literature investigating online crime and policing in the digital age by drawing on the theoretical framework of affordances and offering police perspectives on online sex-based crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Influencers are a defining feature of the contemporary social media landscape, but little has interrogated how these individuals may privilege information sharing as essential to their brand. This article interrogates the role of the knowledge influencer, or those who perform micro-celebrity to convey information and expertise to lay audiences. Knowledge influencers can be doctors, lawyers, or anyone, regardless of class, who is an expert in their occupation. In doing so, knowledge influencers perform what I call calibrated expertise, or the curated performance strategy in which experts harness social media affordances, platform dynamics, and aspects of micro-celebrity to impart information. Through a case study analysis of social media veterinarians on Instagram, I show how calibrated expertise is discursively performed, and knowledge influencers emerge, at a cultural moment in which neoliberalism continues to blur the lines between work and play, and populist backlashes against experts are ubiquitous. By navigating micro-celebrity, authenticity, and relatability, knowledge influencers put a human face and contemporary cultural spin on expertise. Though, this does not mean the knowledge influencer is the answer to sweeping distrust, but rather, is an untapped resource for considering information sharing and power dynamics in neoliberal, populist times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are citizens more willing to share private data in (health) crises? We study citizens' willingness to share personal data through COVID-19 contact tracing apps (CTAs). Based on a cross-national online survey with 6,464 respondents from China, Germany, and the US, we find considerable variation in how and what data respondents are willing to share through CTAs. Drawing on the privacy calculus theory and the trade-off model of privacy and security, we find that during the COVID-19 pandemic, crisis perceptions seem to have only limited influence on people's willingness to share personal data through CTAs. The findings further show that the data type to be shared determines the suitability of the privacy calculus theory to explain people's willingness to transfer personal data: the theory can explain the willingness to share sensitive data, but cannot explain the willingness to share less sensitive data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the social determinants of Problematic Social Media Use (PSMU) among adolescents is scant and focused on proximal contexts and interpersonal relationships. This study examines the relation of PSMU with economic inequality, measured at country, school and individual levels. It also evaluated the moderating role of family and peer support in these associations. The 2017/18 Health Behavior in School-aged Children (HBSC) study measured PSMU in 179,049 adolescents aged 11-, 13- and 15-year-olds in 43 countries and sub-regions of Belgium (Flanders and Wallonia) and the United Kingdom (England, Scotland, and Wales). Associations between inequality and PSMU were tested using multilevel logistic regression analyis. Results showed that adolescents who were relatively more deprived than their schoolmates and attended more economically unequal schools had a higher likelihood of reporting PSMU. In addition, school wealth inequality was more closely related to PSMU among adolescents with lower levels of peer support. A similar effect of country income inequality was found, but only in adolescents who reported low family support. Our findings expand the existing literature on the detrimental impact of inequalities in different social contexts on adolescent wellbeing by showing the role of inequalities in the engagement in PSMU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how Brazilian ubertubers – Uber drivers that manage YouTube channels focused on their riding experience – systematise and make public different ways of knowing surge pricing (SP), an algorithmic-oriented system that uses price adjustments to redistribute drivers across urban space. Taken by the Uber as an instrument to measure and regulate market conditions, SP mediates drivers' pragmatic and affective daily practices, materialising a asymmetrical power relation embedded into a neoliberal governmentality. The study explores 25 videos produced and shared by five consolidated Brazilian ubertubers, focusing on how this specific kind of digital influencer systematises and perform collective knowledge on how to increase earnings with surge pricing. The metaphors, hypotheses, and theories, the ubertuber's tactics to deal with SP's instability and with the risks of working on peripheral areas, and the efforts to investigate the logics of a 'new surge' are the main issues approached in the case study. In the conclusions, we discuss how ubertubers' ambivalent relations with surge pricing reveal their wider attempts to navigate neoliberal governmentality and precarious conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how individuals across income classes encountered payday lenders' appeals online and what their smartphone use reveals about their psychological reactions to these messages. We utilized novel Screenomics data, comprehensive sequences of screenshots (N = 13,498,584) collected every 5 seconds from the smartphones of lower-income and higher-income adults (N = 65) in U.S. metropolitan areas for 2 months. While examining a person's everyday smartphone use, we observed 103 natural exposures to advertisements of payday lenders who had in the past generated consumer complaints with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. We describe how individuals encountered payday loan ads through various digital channels despite the ad bans of major technology companies. We employed a quasi-experimental design to test for differences in participant actions immediately before and after ad exposure. Multilevel analysis results show that exposure to payday loan ads led to notable changes in the lower-income individuals' smartphone use. Directly after seeing the ads, the lower-income individuals engaged with content that contained fewer future-oriented words, switched between applications more frequently, and avoided content that evoked negative emotions. Such effects were especially pronounced among the lower-income individuals who lacked the support of social safety nets, such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (formerly known as food stamps) and unemployment benefits. In contrast, there were no changes noted in smartphone use among the lower-income individuals receiving social safety net assistance and higher-income individuals. These findings highlight the nuanced yet impactful psychological consequences of digital experiences, an underexplored aspect of digital inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decolonial-focused journalisms allows Ecuadorian indigenous women to exercise their right to revolution by deconstructing ideological paradigms through their freedom of the press. Previous research has predominantly concentrated on examining the aspects of poverty, inequality, and marginalized experiences within the realm of political communication. In contrast, this research takes a qualitative methodology, employing biographical narratives infused with insights from disciplines such as legal anthropology, feminist epistemology, decolonial studies and situated knowledge. The study delves into the exploration of three crucial variables through open interviews: (a) Precondition of journalistic practice, including the right to education, language, and access to technologies; (b) Perceived violence and inequalities based on gender, ethnicity, and journalism; (c) The relationship between the resistance exhibited by the interviewees and the configuration of the journalistic work. Consequently, this legitimate act of civil disobedience empowers indigenous women to establish their brand of justice, while their unique forms of journalisms contribute to the construction of their historical truth. This truth serves as a contrasting, denying, or even complementary narrative to the traditional truth. The use of the term 'journalisms' in the plural form highlights the fact that different indigenous groups employ diverse grammatical structures and methodologies that diverge from the conventions of the singular hegemonic press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media offer new opportunities for women in politics, but also new ground for the expression of bias and stereotypes. Drawing upon literature about mediated representations of women in politics, gendered digital violence, and intersectionality, this study explores how Twitter users portray indigenous women leaders who were elected as representatives for Chile's Constitutional Convention. We use a mixed-methods approach based on a manual content analysis of tweets (N = 6,000), aimed at comparing the main attributes associated to indigenous and non-indigenous women Convention representatives in users' tweets, as well as the valence of these tweets and the engagement of Twitter users, in two time points – the inaugural and the closing days of the Convention. This is complemented with a qualitative thematic analysis focused on tweets directed toward Mapuche women (N = 3,352). Our findings show that indigenous and non-indigenous women's capacities were discussed by Twitter users, and although both groups experienced online hostility while serving for the Convention, indigenous leaders received negative messages notoriously based on their ethnic background: tweets were mostly positive at the beginning of the process, but became more negative by the end, suggesting a narrative arc that went from an ephemeral moment of symbolic reparation to the restoration of prejudices and stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue brings together contributions and theoretical insights that probe ways through which gender interacts with context to shape non-Western-based political communication trends. It seeks to address the need to diversify theory and research in political communication. Our key contribution is to provide empirically-guided, contextually-shaped and methodologically-rich research on digital political communication strategies that facilitate women's political participation in geographical areas underrepresented in the scholarship. We do this in five ways. First, feminist approaches to digital political communication have rarely been studied this way, focusing exclusively on previously unaddressed developments in non-Western settings while also theorizing their contributions to communication scholarship through a special issue format in a credible journal that retains a wider audience. Second, it is of scholarly interest to know whether women politicians in richer and poor countries grapple with the same issues when it comes to political communication. Third, we provide novel ways to expand scholarship on women's digital political participation through incorporation of indigenous knowledge and practices. Fourth, the diversity of fresh voices coupled with pioneering findings assembled in this special issue is encouraging in a field dominated by a few. Finally, the number of women vying for political office in the Global South is increasing. Therefore, studying how they are faring on the political frontline has a significant bearing on how current and future studies within the remit of understudied non-Western digital political communication can and should be framed, paving way for new and better understandings on the region and its multifaceted political perturbations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates social media usage patterns, Twitter' frequency use and message typologies of selected South African female politicians'. Using the digital public sphere theory as a lens, the study considers six hundred Twitter posts from six female politicians from the African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, and Economic Freedom Fighters political parties to examine the potential of social media for visibility and participation, particularly for female politicians who are underrepresented in mainstream media platforms. The study finds that these politicians leverage digital media to promote their public works, challenging media gatekeeping and asserting agency in shaping public discourse. The findings also reveal the strategic use of social media for self-promotion allowing female politicians to enhance visibility, influence public perception, and consolidate their positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how social media platforms can facilitate greater visibility of Tunisian women in political communication activism to survive male politicians' domination and the conventional media's boycott. The authors chose to focus on the case of Tunisian activist Abir Moussi to investigate how she uses Facebook for political mobilization and self-branding purposes. A monographic approach to the content of the Facebook page was carried out, along with a semiotic analysis of the speech given by Moussi on the decisions announced by President Kais Said on 25 July 2021. The results revealed a Facebook-Live-based communication strategy to address audiences as well as a large number of photos and videos. Besides, The Tunisian political activist used several linguistic elements in her discourse to make her political discourse effective, such as contrast, intertextuality, metaphor, etc. Unlike President Said, who uses Standard Arabic, the Tunisian political activist speaks the Tunisian dialect; Abir's tone ranges from humorous, enthusiastic, provocative, menacing and promising; she provides her propaganda speech with legal texts and arguments to convince her audience, claiming to enlighten minds by simplifying ordinances and complex political terms. Moreover, she revealed several political and economic 'hot issues' that led to the Tunisian crisis. The authors conclude that social media does not create new ways of activism but rather amplifies traditional ones; they suggest enhancing the political efficacy of social media to boost political activism and emphasizing the concept of 'online political efficacy' in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the constraints on women's political participation in Sudan and the lack of a unified feminist agenda due to the performative involvement of elite female politicians. It focuses on the No to Women's Oppression Initiative (NtoWRI), a civil society group that utilized both digital and traditional communication methods to advance a more inclusive women's rights agenda. NtoWRI's successful campaign for the ratification of CEDAW and the Maputo Protocol was attributed, in part, to the group's radical inclusivity towards marginalized women. The involvement of grassroots women's groups with the margins provides an opportunity for social justice, amplifying the voices of marginalized communities and linking their struggles to broader social movements. The article emphasizes the need to confront the male-dominated power structures in Sudan with a feminist perspective to establish a genuine feminist collective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a mixed-methods approach consisting of a directed content analysis of five established LGBT+ organizations' use of Twitter and Facebook during a month in 2022, and semi-structured qualitative interviews with social media content producers, the study attempts to understand the role of self-controlled social media spaces in challenging the Uganda society's logics of oppression. The results indicate that self-controlled spaces are not used for disrupting the basis for repression – the local logic of oppression – or its cocoon of collective post-colonial amnesia. Nor were spaces used for re-constructive engaging with transnational and development partners' unwitting impact on global south actors' agency and legitimacy. Instead, with a few exceptions, spaces displayed a conspicuous uniform human rights advocacy rhetoric, and Western identity labels summarized in the LGBT+ acronym. The interviews with social media content producers suggest that the LGBT+ community's dependency on international support may sway actors into what we call performative visibility, in self-controlled spaces. The study concludes that future analysis of Global South based activist's use of social media spaces' affordances including its potential for supporting de-colonialization efforts, must approach use as relational to actors' dependency on key resources such as funding and protection through affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates what is at stake in decolonising the study of conspiracy theories online. It challenges the confidence with which conspiracy theories are often dismissed as aberrations and negative externalities of digital ecosystems. Without reifying conspiracy theories, we identify as problematic how alternative forms of knowledge production are dismissed and colonial tropes reproduced. Contributing to conversations around 'decolonising the internet', we offer additional and sharper tools to understand the role and implications of conspiracy theorising for communicative and political practices in different societies globally. Empirically, we analyse a conspiracy theory circulating in Nigeria between 2018 and 2019 purporting that Nigerian President Buhari had died and the man in office was his 'clone'. Conceptually, our analysis intersects with Achille Mbembe's work on power in the postcolony, to illustrate how it is possible to adopt alternative forms of normativity that eschew the stigmatisation and exclusion that has prevailed, but still offer evaluative frameworks to locate conspiracy theories in contemporary digital environments. We engage with Mbembe's ideas about how humorous and grotesque forms of communication can result in the zombification of both the 'dominant' and those 'apparently dominated'. We argue that zombification as a theoretical intervention provides a useful addition to the conceptual and normative repertoire of those studying conspiracy theories, between the poles of dismissal/condemnation and pure curiosity/acceptance of what is said. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]