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Social media platforms are increasingly looked at as means to investigate social phenomena like collective events, issues or causes. Digital methods – techniques exclusively focused on online data and shaped by the environment hosting these data – have become part and parcel of these investigations, often approaching platforms as hybrid assemblages of users, infrastructures, and algorithms. In its 'online groundness', this type of digital methods research, however, often tends to skim over the socio-cultural, contextual dimension of both wider social phenomena and social media uses and practices. In this paper, we advance a threefold contribution aimed at both sparking future efforts to address this limitation and aligning digital methods inquiry with contemporary epistemological debates that counter universalistic views of platforms and data. First, we question the degree to which digital methods can inform social investigations of collective events, issues or causes. Second, we advance a digital methods paradigm that addresses platforms as socio-cultural artifacts rather than hybrid assemblages. Finally, by reflecting on how we accessed, handled, and explored 9,000 Instagram visuals and around 400,000 Facebook comments to understand influences on middle class understandings of food consumption in Brazil and South Africa, we illustrate a way to design culturally sensitive digital methods research built on 'quanti-quali' practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The internet is an increasingly influential actor and arena for debating emerging sustainability controversies, but studies often overlook the role of visualisations in online spreading of information. This paper offers a way to better understand this role: what images do competing online actors use, are there differences between opponents and proponents, differences between internet regions, and are there shifts in their online visualisations over time? Adopting a controversy studies perspective and the digital methods approach, we studied the online spread of visual information. We compared the use of visualisation about shale gas on top-ranked pages in the internet regions of South Africa, Mexico and the United Kingdom in 2018 and 2019. The results indicate a connection between the actor's standpoints in the controversy and the type of image used. In Mexico, proponents and neutrals used, most of all, photographs of people (officials). Opponents posted more data visuals. South African and British neutral actors used more data visuals, while proponents posted landscapes and opponents photographs of people (protesters). Also, we noticed that changes in the actor's position in the controversy between 2018 and 2019 coincided with changes in the use of type and content of visualisations. Context-specifics of each country offered possible explanations for these shifts in standpoint and visualisation of the controversy. Our study indicates that visuals are highly relevant digital objects in public debate and the decision-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's mobile telecommunications industry boasts four major players, namely Vodacom, MTN, CELL C and Telkom. On the face of it, this suggests a diverse market with healthy competition. However, the costs of mobile services, including data and voice calls remains among the highest in the world, suggesting a distorted and uncompetitive market. Despite increasing awareness of this reality, and growing public outcry, change has been slow and piecemeal, with both policymakers and regulatory authorities not taking decisive action. Using institutional policy analysis, document analysis and interviews with sampled actors from the telecommunication industry, civic society and the regulatory authority, this paper argues that a combination of regulatory paralysis, collusive behaviour by oligopolistic operators, indecisive government policy, and to some degree citizen inaction have led to sustained overpricing of mobile data in South Africa. It highlights the corporate dominance in the policing of this sector, which has implications for citizens' capacity to participate in various spheres of life, and hence for democracy. The paper is premised on the public interest theory and theories of universal (internet) access which are germane to understanding access to information as a human rights issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements operate in 'an environment for politics that is increasingly information-rich and communication-intensive' (Bimber 2001, p. 53). There is an established literature on new ICTs and social movements, but little of it considers mobilization in the global South. This paper presents a case study on the use of ICTs by the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), a South African social movement campaigning for the rights of people living with HIV/AIDS. McAdam et al.'s comparative framework of three theoretical perspectives on mobilization (McAdam et al. 1996) - mobilising structures, opportunity structures and framing processes - is used to link the analysis into the social movement literature. The findings show extensive use of email, mailing lists and the Internet in TAC activities despite low levels of access among the movement's largely poor activist base. ICTs are used to help the movement engage with elites, professional groups and media, as well as in the development of local and international movement networks. There is also widespread informal use of mobile phones, which a local NGO is working with the TAC to extend. Mobiles are seen as a way to reach the previously disconnected majority, strengthening their involvement in existing processes as well as extending the movement's reach beyond its current branch-based structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates social media usage patterns, Twitter' frequency use and message typologies of selected South African female politicians'. Using the digital public sphere theory as a lens, the study considers six hundred Twitter posts from six female politicians from the African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, and Economic Freedom Fighters political parties to examine the potential of social media for visibility and participation, particularly for female politicians who are underrepresented in mainstream media platforms. The study finds that these politicians leverage digital media to promote their public works, challenging media gatekeeping and asserting agency in shaping public discourse. The findings also reveal the strategic use of social media for self-promotion allowing female politicians to enhance visibility, influence public perception, and consolidate their positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital inequalities in Africa have been explored in terms of dimensions such as gender, age, education, socio-economic status, language, ability/disability etc. In the present study, we draw on qualitative research emphasising digital differences within Dwesa, a rural community on the Wild Coast of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. For the past decade and a half, this has been the site of extensive ethnographic and ICT-for-development research highlighting complex and nuanced social arrangements, social stratification and local power dynamics. Mobile communication and media appear to either entrench or challenge the status quo, e.g., by strengthening the bond with community members who migrated to urban areas, by disrupting cultural norms or by opening up work and education opportunities. Mobile digital access, use and benefits are unevenly distributed within the community. Teachers and local business people tend to be early adopters and use phones extensively for work-related purposes and to maintain contacts outside the community. The youth appear to be the most sophisticated and frequent users of social media to organise events and meet new people. Somewhat surprisingly, mature women provide some of the most innovative examples of collaboration and empowerment. People of all ages, genders and socio-economic backgrounds recognise the disruptive potential, costs and limitations of digital technology and some deliberately limit themselves to voice calls. Our findings problematise a view of rural African communities as digitally homogeneous and provide some examples of how actual experiences in the Global South challenge expectations based on research from the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platforms have created new opportunities for political engagement. This has brought about a rich body of literature on the relationship between the two. However, the impact of social media on redressing or augmenting gender inequality in engagement remains underexplored. This cross-national comparative study investigates the role of social media news use in influencing gender inequality in online political engagement across three Sub-Saharan African nations: Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa. An analysis of survey data suggests that there exists a gender divide in online political engagement in the three countries. Furthermore, the informational use of social media increases the likelihood of online political engagement. Still, social media news use exacerbates gender-driven engagement inequality. Finally, education reinforces the role of social media in engagement inequality such that the gender divide in online political engagement is found to be most significant among the higher than lower educated groups. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the South African student-led campaign known as Rhodes Must Fall, commonly referred to simply as #RMF, to explore youth activism and counter-memory via social networking site Twitter. The RMF campaign took place at the University of Cape Town and comprised student-led protests, which campaigned to remove the statue of British colonialist Cecil John Rhodes, as activists argued that it promoted institutionalized racism and promoted a culture of exclusion particularly for black students. Through a qualitative content analysis of tweets and a network analysis using NodeXL, this article argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, and limited access to the internet by the majority of citizens, Twitter was central to youth participation during the RMF campaign, reflecting the politics and practices of counter-memory but also setting mainstream news agendas and shaping the public debate. The article further argues that the #RMF campaign can be seen a collective project of resistance to normative memory production. The analysis demonstrates how social media discussions should not be viewed as detached from more traditional media platforms, particularly, as in this case, they can set mainstream news agendas. Moreover, the article argues that youth are increasingly using social networking sites to develop a new biography of citizenship which is characterized by more individualized forms of activism. In the present case, Twitter affords youth an opportunity to participate in political discussions, as well as discussions of broader socio-political issues of relevance in contemporary South African society, reflecting a form of subactivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]