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• Alcohol policies that protect public health do not necessarily harm bars. • 'Sweetspot' policies are those which can improve public health without affecting hospitality businesses. • There is good evidence that increasing the price of shop-bought alcohol is a sweetspot policy. • Restricting remote/online alcohol sales is also a likely sweetspot policy. • Measures to shape or manage the night-time economy are less well supported by evidence. During COVID-19, hospitality businesses (e.g. bars, restaurants) were closed/restricted whilst off-sales of alcohol increased, with health consequences. Post-covid, governments face lobbying to support such businesses, but many health services remain under pressure. We appraised 'sweetspot' policy options: those with potential to benefit public services and health, whilst avoiding or minimising negative impact on the hospitality sector. We conducted rapid non-systematic evidence reviews using index papers, citation searches and team knowledge to summarise the literature relating to four possible 'sweetspot' policy areas: pricing interventions (9 systematic reviews (SR); 14 papers/reports); regulation of online sales (1 SR; 1 paper); place-shaping (2 SRs; 18 papers/reports); and violence reduction initiatives (9 SRs; 24 papers/reports); and led two expert workshops (n = 11). Interventions that raise the price of cheaper shop-bought alcohol appear promising as 'sweetspot' policies; any impact on hospitality is likely small and potentially positive. Restrictions on online sales such as speed or timing of delivery may reduce harm and diversion of consumption from on-trade to home settings. Place-shaping is not well-supported by evidence and experts were sceptical. Reduced late-night trading hours likely reduce violence; evidence of impact on hospitality is scant. Other violence reduction initiatives may modestly reduce harms whilst supporting hospitality, but require resources to deliver multiple measures simultaneously in partnership. Available evidence and expert views point to regulation of pricing and online sales as having greatest potential as 'sweetspot' alcohol policies, reducing alcohol harm whilst minimising negative impact on hospitality businesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Norwegian government proposed a drug decriminalization reform. • The shift from the justice sector to the health sector would only be partial. • The police would retain their role in drug law enforcement after the reform. • Illicit drug use continued to be fundamentally pathologized in the proposed reform. • The most profound aspect of the reform was its emphasis on consent in interventions. In 2018 the Norwegian government appointed a committee to prepare the implementation of a drug decriminalization reform. The overall goal of the committee was to propose a model where responsibility for society's response to the use and possession of illegal drugs for personal use would be transferred from the justice sector to the health service, under the catchphrase 'from punishment to help'. While the proposal ultimately did not get the necessary backing in parliament, the proposed reform still constitutes a very comprehensive and recent proposal for reforming national drug policy and it provides an ideal case for studying contemporary discourses on 'drug decriminalization'. The analysis of this reform proposal is guided by the post-structuralist "What's the Problem Represented to be" (WPR) approach, which is used for investigating the problem representation(s) in the proposal, as well as the rationalities, practices and deep-seated assumptions underpinning these. In doing this, the paper explores how the strategy represents both changes and continuities in discourses around illicit drugs and the people who use them. Based on the WPR approach, two problem representations in the proposal are identified: the 'problem of illicit drug use' and the 'problem of criminalization'. However, the 'problem of illicit drug use' is argued to be the authoritative representation, that takes precedence over the other. In that regard, the paper points to how the proposed shift from the justice sector to the health sector would only be partial, given that the role of the police and drug law enforcement would be retained in the reform. Furthermore, the paper points to how illicit drug use continued to be fundamentally pathologized in the proposed reform. The paper concludes with a discussion about the overall ambition of shifting from a crime-centered to a health-centered approach to people who use drugs and some reflections on the potential of an additional rights-based approach is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is limited provision of inpatient detoxification relative to other treatments for alcohol and other drug (AOD) use. This means people often need to wait prior to detoxifying. However, waiting for healthcare is generally perceived as negative and stressful. This paper aims to understand patients' experiences of waiting for inpatient AOD detoxification to ascertain whether and how service-level policies and practices might be improved. Semi-structured telephone interviews were conducted with 32 people (20 males, 12 females; aged 25–67 years) who were waiting for inpatient detoxification. Data collection was part of a wider evaluation of a policy initiative started in 2021 to increase detoxification service capacity in England, UK. Interviews were professionally transcribed and data on waiting experiences were coded using qualitative software. Analyses were informed by new materialist thinking and undertaken via Iterative Categorisation. We found that waiting was constituted through five dimensions: i. duration; ii. support; iii. information; iv. preparations; and v. emotions. These five dimensions were multi-faceted and operated in and through wider interacting social, material, and affective forces (e.g., professional judgements, formal and informal relationships, the availability of beds and funding, bureaucratic procedures, the utility and relevance of information, and participants' diverse feelings, including desperation for treatment). Not all accounts of waiting were negative. The experience was complex, non-uniform and variable over time. Moreover, it affected how people felt and how they behaved. Changes to service-level policies and practices can potentially minimise the stress of waiting for inpatient AOD detoxification. The negative impact of waiting may be reduced if professionals more consistently engage patients in a wider range of constructive pre-treatment activities, offer regular 'check-ins' to mitigate any anxiety, explain changes in wait duration to help with planning and demonstrate fairness, and facilitate contact between those waiting to lessen feelings of isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cannabis legalization in some U.S.A. states has catapulted the mass production of concentrates, with tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) concentrations ranging from 50-90%. A major public health concern is that these products will increase cannabis-related harms such as use disorders, psychotic symptoms, and accidental poisonings. This paper describes and contextualizes the results of a study requested by the WA State Legislature to understand perspectives of WA stakeholders on the topic. Concept Mapping (CM), a mixed-methods research approach that supports people-centered policy decisions was utilized. The goal of the study was to explore stakeholders' concern levels and support of policies to address the availability of high THC cannabis products. For analysis purposes, stakeholders were categorized into three groups: community, professionals, and cannabis advocates. CM generated an inventory of policy ideas for regulating high-potency cannabis from a variety of stakeholders. Notably, stakeholders from community and professional groups supported environmental policy changes such as such as taxation, increasing minimum age for high concentration cannabis products, and advertising prohibition. Meanwhile, cannabis advocates (mostly industry actors) opposed taxation per THC content, proposed lowering taxes, and supported policies with low population impact such as educating parents, teachers, and youth. Support for regulating high concentration THC products varied by stakeholder group. Consistent with how other health compromising industries have historically acted, cannabis industry stakeholders rejected regulation of their products. Future studies should explore non-cannabis industry stakeholders' willingness to work towards minimizing the influence of the cannabis industry in policy development processes to assure public health regulations prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Digital media posts deliberately trigger fear and anger. • This increases engagement and can lead to misinformation. • To reduce stigma around drug use, avoid triggering fear. • To enhance support for drug policy reform, language matters. • Language targeting values of fairness are critical. Illicit drug dependence is one of the most stigmatised health conditions worldwide and the harmful impacts of stigma for people who use drugs are well documented. The use of stigmatising language about drugs in traditional media is also well documented. The increasing use of digital media platforms has revolutionised the way we communicate, and extended the reach of our messages. However, there are issues specific to the ways in which these platforms operate that have the potential to increase drug-related stigma. This paper outlines the importance of language, narrative, and imagery in reducing this stigma. It discusses the challenges digital media platforms present to achieving this goal, including the use of engagement strategies that trigger fear and increase stigma, the potential for amplifying stigmatising messages by using algorithms, and the potential for dissemination of misinformation. Key strategies to frame conversations about drug use are presented including 1) appeal to values of fairness and equity rather than scaring people; 2) avoid correcting misinformation as it strengthens unhelpful stigmatising frames of drug use; and 3) create a new narrative, focusing on the diversity of experiences of people who use drugs. Internationally we are at a critical juncture with respect to drug policy reform, and efforts to reduce drug-related stigma are central to building support for these reforms. The extensive reach of digital media platforms represents an important opportunity to communicate about illicit drug use. The challenge is to do so in a way that minimises stigma. If we are to achieve change, a narrative that puts values, people, health care and equity at the centre of the conversation is critical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, the Australian Government legislated to allow cannabis to be prescribed to patients as an unapproved medicine under the special access provisions of the Therapeutic Goods Act. This paper compares the Australian regulatory approach with other national approaches, outlines the main provisions of the Special Access Scheme for medical cannabis, describes how the program has evolved since 2017, includes an analysis of adverse events reported to the Therapeutic Goods Administration, and discusses the barriers that remain for patients who wish to access medical cannabis. It assesses how well the Australian program has addressed the challenges of providing patients with easier access to medical cannabis while ensuring that high-quality products are used safely and effectively under medical guidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This paper is based on research examining stakeholder involvement in substitution treatment policy which was undertaken as part of the EU funded FP7 ALICE-RAP (Addictions and Lifestyles in Contemporary Europe – Reframing Addictions Project). In England, the research coincided with a policy shift towards a recovery orientated drug treatment framework and a heated debate surrounding the role of substitute prescribing. The study aimed to explore the various influences on the development of the new ‘recovery’ policy from the perspectives of the key stakeholders involved. Methods The paper is based on documentary analyses and key informant interviews with a range of stakeholders, including representatives of user organisations, treatment providers, civil servants, and members of expert committees. Results Drawing on the theoretical insights offered by Backstrand's ‘civic science’ framework, the changing role of evidence and the position of experts in the processes of drugs policy governance are explored. ‘Evidence’ was used to problematise the issue of substitution treatment and employed to legitimise, justify and construct arguments around the possible directions of policy and practice. Conflicting beliefs about drug treatment and about motivation for policy change emerge in the argumentation, illustrating tensions in the governance of drug treatment and the power differentials separating different groups of stakeholders. Their role in the production of evidence also illustrates issues of power regarding the definition and development of ‘usable knowledge’. There were various attempts at greater representation of different forms of evidence and participation by a wider group of stakeholders in the debates surrounding substitution treatment. However, key national and international experts and the appointment of specialist committees continued to play dominant roles in building consensus and translating scientific evidence into policy discourse. Conclusion Substitution treatment policy has witnessed a challenge to the dominance of ‘scientific evidence’ within policy decision making, but in the absence of alternative evidence with an acceptable credibility and legitimacy base, traditional notions of what constitutes evidence based policy persist and there is a continuing lack of recognition of ‘civic science’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In Canada, the rise in prescription opioid (PO) overdoses and addiction is a major public health concern. Various health authorities have recently recommended that physicians use caution when prescribing opioids, especially to people with histories of substance use. As a result, fewer therapeutic options are available for people who use drugs (PWUD) and suffer from chronic non-cancer pain (CNCP). This paper examines how PWUD describe their experiences with CNCP management in the context of the opioid crisis.Methods: This qualitative study is based on in-depth interviews with Montreal (Canada) PWUD experiencing CNCP for 3 months or more.Results: Most of the 25 participants (27-61 years; 10 women, 15 men) were polysubstance users (cocaine, opioids, amphetamine, etc.) suffering from CNCP for several years, with multiple additional health and social problems. The majority were unsatisfied with their CNCP management. They felt labelled as "addicts" and stigmatized within the healthcare system. Many participants had been denied PO, even those with severe CNCP and those who were not opioid-dependent. Participants expressed a desire to access non-pharmacological CNCP therapies, but these were often too expensive. Some PWUD were offered methadone to relieve CNCP and found this inappropriate. As a last resort several participants reported self-medicating CNCP with street drugs, increasingly known to be laced with fentanyl.Conclusion: PWUD with CNCP are affected by two opioid crises: the PO crisis and the street-opioid crisis. The lack of a coherent policy that addresses their pain management produces reoccurring problems when seeking CNCP relief. Restrictive prescription measures implemented in response to the PO crisis may have consequences similar to prohibitionist policies: they heighten overdose risks for PWUD by increasing exposure to street drugs laced with fentanyl. Improving access to diverse CNCP management options for PWUD can help reduce harms related to street-opioid use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internationally, policymakers are considering alternative, non-criminal responses to the possession of drugs for personal use, or 'simple possession'. We show that 'decriminalization' is not a simple, unified model; rather, there are meaningful differences in policies and options available as part of a non-criminal response. Responses include various decriminalization, diversion, and depenalization approaches. However, what details need to be considered in developing these approaches? In this paper, we eschew these labels and present an overview of key design features of non-criminal responses to simple possession and consider some of the equity considerations of the choices available, including reform architecture (the objectives and legal framework); eligibility criteria (population-, place-, and drug-based criteria); and actions taken (deterrence, therapeutic, and enforcement strategies). This paper does not evaluate individual features or models, but instead offers a practical framework that can be used to deliberate on potential reform decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common drug policy in source countries -forced eradication- has unintended consequences in multiple dimensions. Aerial spraying in particular, has social and environmental costs including, increased violence, deforestation, and adverse health outcomes. However, there is less evidence of the unintended consequences of illicit crop substitution programs, another widely used intervention. This paper illustrates an unintended effect of the largest crop substitution program in the world, namely increased violence against social leaders. Examining the recent Colombian illicit crop substitution program implemented in 2017, this paper estimates the effect on violence towards social leaders employing an event study econometric strategy. The program increased the rate of social leader killings by 481% and the probability of a killing by 122%. The findings reveal a greater effect on municipalities where leaders oppose the expansion of illicit crops, where organized crime does not hold consolidated power, and where there is a presence of illegal armed groups. This study contributes to the literature on antidrug policies by providing empirical evidence of unintended consequences for local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Policy makers worldwide face the choice of whether to reform cannabis policy from the 'full prohibition' model. A paper by Shi et al. (2015) suggested that such 'liberalization' is significantly associated with higher odds of adolescent cannabis use.Aim: To test the validity and reliability of Shi et al's conclusion that the HBSC data show an association between policy 'liberalization' and increased likelihood of adolescent cannabis use.Methods: Replication and re-analysis of the same pooled data from three waves of the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) survey (2001/2, 2005/6 and 2009/10). This replicates - as far as possible - the coding and analytical strategy of the Shi et al article. The re-analysis makes some improvements by: excluding a variable ('number of siblings') for which many cases have missing data; including available data from the theoretically relevant case of Sweden for the latter two waves of the HBSC survey, which Shi et al omit; and including random slopes for gender between countries as well as random intercepts for countries in the mixed effects model, as the predictive effect of gender on cannabis use varies across countries.Results: Shi et al's verbal summary of their findings is not supported by detailed interpretation of their own numerical results. Without making the suggested amendments, it is possible to find a statistically significant association between policy 'liberalization' and higher odds of some measures of adolescent cannabis use. But when these improvements are made, this association becomes statistically non-significant.Conclusion: Using a larger and more theoretically relevant sample of the HBSC respondents and an improved statistical model shows that the HBSC data do not reveal a statistically significant association between policy 'liberalization' and higher odds of adolescent cannabis use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we offer a sociological analysis of early warning and outbreak in the field of drug policy, focusing on opioid overdose. We trace how 'outbreak' is enacted as a rupturing event which enables rapid reflex responses of precautionary control, based largely on short-term and proximal early warning indicators. We make the case for an alternative view of early warning and outbreak. We argue that practices of detection and projection that help to materialise drug-related outbreaks are too focused on the proximal and short-term. Engaging with epidemiological and sociological work investigating epidemics of opioid overdose, we show how the short-termism and rapid reflex response of outbreak fails to appreciate the slow violent pasts of epidemics indicative of an ongoing need and care for structural and societal change. Accordingly, we gather together ideas of 'slow emergency' (Ben Anderson), 'slow death' (Lauren Berlant) and 'slow violence' (Rob Nixon), to re-assemble outbreaks in 'long view'. This locates opioid overdose in long-term attritional processes of deindustrialisation, pharmaceuticalisation, and other forms of structural violence, including the criminalisation and problematisation of people who use drugs. Outbreaks evolve in relation to their slow violent pasts. To ignore this can perpetuate harm. Attending to the social conditions that create the possibilities for outbreak invites early warning that goes 'beyond outbreak' and 'beyond epidemic' as generally configured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The term 'industry' can be understood in a variety of ways. • Simple understandings of 'industry' miss out on the complexity of relations. • Systemic and social understandings of 'industry' provide more opportunities. Use of the term 'alcohol industry' plays an important role in discussions of alcohol and public health. In this paper, we examine how the term is currently used and explore the merits of alternative conceptualisations. We start by examining current ways of referring to 'alcohol industry' in public health and then explore the potential for organisational theory, political science, and sociology to provide alcohol research with more inclusive and nuanced conceptualizations. We identify, and critique, three conceptualisations based on purely economic understandings of industry: literal, market , and supply-chain understandings. We then examine three alternative conceptualizations based on systemic understandings of industry: organizational, social-network, and common-interest understandings. In examining these alternatives, we also identify the extent to which they open up new ways of approaching the levels at which industry influence is understood to operate in alcohol and public health research and policy. Each of the six understandings of 'industry' can play a role in research but their utility depends on the question being asked and the breadth and depth of the analysis being undertaken. However, for those intending to engage with a broader disciplinary base, approaches grounded in the systemic understandings of 'industry' are better positioned to study the complex nexus of relationships that contribute to alcohol industry influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies concerned with illicit drugs vex governments. While the 'evidence-based policy' paradigm argues that governments should be informed by 'what works', in practice policy makers rarely operate this way. Moreover the evidence-based policy paradigm fails to account for democratic participatory processes, particularly how community members and people who use drugs might be included. The aim of this paper is to explore the political science thinking about democratic participation and the potential afforded in 'deliberative democracy' approaches, such as Citizens Juries and other mini-publics for improved drug policy processes. Deliberative democracy, through its focus on inclusion, equality and reasoned discussion, shows potential for drug policy reform and shifts the focus from reliance on and privileging of experts and scientific evidence. But the very nature of this kind of 'deliberation' may delimit participation, notably through its insistence on authorised modes of communication. Other forms of participation beyond reasoned deliberation aligned with the ontological view that participatory processes themselves are constitutive of subject positions and policy problems, may generate opportunities for considering how the deleterious effects of authorised modes of communication might be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two reclassifications of cannabis in England & Wales in 2004 and 2009 have been subjected to a series of academic analyses which have largely been centred on either the relationship to evidence, or in terms of the implications and realities of policing and health under the changes. However, despite the wealth of attention on this area, there have been relatively few attempts to understand these policy movements through broader criminological theoretical frameworks. One recent exception is Shiner's (2015) utilisation of Garland's (2001) concept of 'structured ambivalence'. This paper seeks to test this application through drawing upon an alternative source of evidence, namely, a series of 'elite' qualitative interviews, and using Kingdon's (1995) Multiple Streams model to make sense of the policy processes. In doing so, it largely corroborates Shiner's conclusions whilst also further illuminating particular agentic aspects and their intertwining with other structural and cultural forces which led to the reclassifications. These findings demonstrate the value of triangulating evidential sources and advances knowledge about the role of individuals in pursuing policy agendas within a broader shifting political climate. This provides greater scope to further test and understand how structured ambivalence manifests itself in other cultural contexts and policy domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• More than 2.7 million previously confidential opioid industry documents have been made public via litigation. • These documents provide critical insights into the current opioid crisis. • They reveal strategies of opioid manufacturers and other supply chain actors. • This paper describes methodological approaches to using the documents. • The documents are a valuable for research on commercial determinants of health. The opioid crisis in the United States has resulted in more than 500,000 deaths since 1999, and recent estimates suggest that attributable deaths could reach 842,000 by 2032. While heroin and synthetic products such as fentanyl now account for the majority of opioid overdoses, the prescription opioid crisis that emerged in the mid-1990s was the primary antecedent to the current situation. Recent settlements in litigation against opioid producers, suppliers and retailers has resulted in the release of almost 2.5 million previously confidential internal documents that have been made publicly accessible via the online Opioid Industry Documents Archive, a collaboration between the University of California, San Francisco and Johns Hopkins University. These corporate records provide critical insights into the operations and strategies of manufacturers and other actors in the opioid supply chain. This article describes the provenance of the opioid documents and their potential value as a research resource. It then outlines methodological approaches to their analysis, drawing on comparisons in conducting research using the Truth Tobacco Industry Documents. The Opioid Industry Documents Archive is a new and important addition to existing industry document collections that enable scrutiny and analysis of the role of corporate actors in determining health outcomes. Beyond their immediate application to researching the corporate and regulatory foundations of the current opioid crisis, the opioid document collections will contribute to a greater understanding of the commercial determinants of public health by providing means to better locate the causes of public health crises, identify politically acceptable solutions to their resolution, and inform strategies for preventing future corporate-driven epidemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayahuasca is a psychoactive beverage from the Amazon, traditionally used by indigenous and mestizo populations in the region. Widespread international use of the beverage began in the 1990s in both secular contexts and religious/spiritual networks. This article offers an analysis of these networks as health care systems in general and for the case of Spain and specifically Catalonia, describing the emergence and characteristics of their groups, and the therapeutic itineraries of some participants. The medical anthropology perspective we take enables us to reflect on the relationship between medicine and religion, and problematize the tensions between medicalization and medical pluralism. Closely linked to the process of medicalization, we also analyze prohibitionist drug policies and their tensions and conflicts with the use of ayahuasca in ritual and 'health care' contexts. The paper ends with a reflection on the problem of ayahuasca as 'medicine', since the connection between religion and medicine is a very difficult one to separate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Research has shown that people often need assistance from an established person who injects drugs (PWID) in order to initiate their own injection drug use. Yet, there is scant research on the injection initiation process from the perspective of established PWID who assists with initiation. In this paper, we examine the injection initiation process from the perspective of established PWID.Methods: From 2011 to 2013, we conducted qualitative life history interviews with 113 PWID in San Francisco and Los Angeles, California. Qualitative data were coded using an inductive analysis approach. Emergent themes are presented in a series of emblematic case studies that elucidate the injection initiation process from the point of view of the PWID who help people with their first injection.Results: Most participants (70%) said that they had never initiated another person into drug injection, citing negative health and social consequences of drug injection as their primary reasons. Among those PWID who had ever facilitated initiation (30%), most expressed moral ambivalence about the behaviour. Using case studies, we show how PWID engage in a complicated calculation that weighs the pros and cons of assisting someone with their first injection. Concerns about long term harms associated with injection drug use sometimes give way to short-term altruistic concerns related to self-initiation or instrumental needs on the part of the established PWID.Conclusions: Objections to facilitating initiation of injection naïve persons appear to be common among established PWID but are sometimes overridden by a need to reduce harms that can be associated with self-initiation and one's structural vulnerability. For established PWID, helping to initiate another person becomes a complex moral question with nuanced motivations. While further substantiation of this observation will require more research, it is worth considering how existing disinclination to initiating injection naïve persons can be integrated into new or existing approaches to preventing injection initiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is widespread agreement as to the importance of increasing participation in drug policy design, drug policy literature contains limited reflection on the practices that may support inclusion and collaboration amongst policy actors, particularly when disagreement and difference are an intrinsic part of participation. Drawing on qualitative interviews and ethnographic fieldwork with actors engaged in an Australian illicit drug policy reform campaign, this paper examines how particular modes of personal connection mattered in establishing and maintaining working relationships between a range of differently situated actors. Through engagement with this case study, we argue that modes of personal connection marked by qualities such as being frank; engaged; not forcing consensus; enacting respect; listening in order to understand; and acting in ways that respected the obligations and limits that came with people's roles while also recognising one another as more than those roles, were particularly important qualities that supported connection across difference. Such personal connections seem to have been even more important for the engagement of people representing more marginal positionalities. Arguing that personal connection is already an element of both inclusion and exclusion in drug policy creation, we suggest that policy actors interested in contributing to a more diverse and rigorous policy participation space attend to how people connect, with whom, and with what space for disagreement, while also taking seriously the labour of such connection across difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This paper explores the narratives of service users of contemporary methadone maintenance treatment services (MMT) in the Republic of Ireland to obtain their perspectives in the context of them negotiating their right to health METHODS: Participants were recruited and interviewed by a former service user of MMT services. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with 40 current and recent users of MMT services RESULTS: Participants overwhelmingly reported a reduced sense of personal agency because of their experiences in MMT treatment. Participants observed that their perceptions of treatment were forged by a sense of reduced autonomy, coercive and disrespectful approaches from healthcare workers. Within a system which the participants considered to be failing, the services that they accessed were predicated on a process of reward and punishment, where best practice was often ignored by practitioners, all of which resulted in adverse consequences for service users DISCUSSION: The findings indicate that there is a significant 'chasm' between human rights, policy and best practice and how these are operationalised within the structures and practices of Irish MMT services. The treatment of service users, based on human rights principles such as equality, respect, autonomy, empowerment and personal choice remains aspirational and is unlikely to be fulfilled without addressing more systemic challenges such as funding, training of staff, service culture, governance and independent oversight of MMT services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Cannabis social clubs (CSCs) in Spain are non-profit organisations that connect regular adult cannabis users. One of their functions is to supply cannabis to the closed circuit of members. The CSCs do not breach any international treaties. The aim of the paper is to present the findings of a qualitative study among Spanish CSCs in order to assess their potential for minimising the harm resulting from cannabis use (such as respiratory and mental health risks, the risk of dependence, and social risks).Method: A convenience sample of 11 CSCs was selected from four regions of Spain - the Basque country, Catalonia, the Balearic Islands, and Galicia. 94 respondents took part in 14 focus groups (FGs). The number of participants in a FG ranged from two to 12. A semi-structured interview guide and a structured questionnaire were used in the FG.Findings: Members described a variety of risk minimising features of the CSCs: the availability of a quality product and mechanisms for its control, availability of different strains of cannabis and knowledge about their different psychoactive effects, increased control over personal cannabis use, informal information sharing and interaction, reduced stigma, and reduced criminal risks.Conclusions: The fact that the CSCs have no incentive to increase members' consumption means that they should be considered to be feasible spaces for the implementation of public health policies. Policy objectives could include a requirement that CSC members have control over the quality of cannabis, that different strains of cannabis are available together with information on their effects, that quantity of cannabis at intake is restricted and planned for each member, and that harm minimisation activities are both formally and informally implemented in the clubs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In this paper we capture and synthesize the unique knowledge of experts so that choices regarding policy measures to address methamphetamine consumption and dependency in Australia can be strengthened. We examine perceptions of the: (1) influence of underlying factors that impact on the methamphetamine problem; (2) importance of various models of intervention that have the potential to affect the success of policies; and (3) efficacy of alternative pseudoephedrine policy options.Methods: We adopt a multi-criteria decision model to unpack factors that affect decisions made by experts and examine potential variations on weight/preference among groups. Seventy experts from five groups (i.e. academia (18.6%), government and policy (27.1%), health (18.6%), pharmaceutical (17.1%) and police (18.6%)) in Australia participated in the survey.Results: Social characteristics are considered the most important underlying factor, prevention the most effective strategy and Project STOP the most preferred policy option with respect to reducing methamphetamine consumption and dependency in Australia. One-way repeated ANOVAs indicate a statistically significant difference with regards to the influence of underlying factors (F(2.3, 144.5)=11.256, p<.001), effectiveness of interventions (F(2.4, 153.1)=28.738, p<.001) and policy options (F(2.8, 175.5)=70.854, p<.001).Conclusion: A majority of respondents believed that genetic, biological, emotional, cognitive and social factors are the most influential explanatory variables in terms of methamphetamine consumption and dependency. Most experts support the use of preventative mechanisms to inhibit drug initiation and delayed drug uptake. Compared to other policies, Project STOP (which aims to disrupt the initial diversion of pseudoephedrine) appears to be a more preferable preventative mechanism to control the production and subsequent sale and use of methamphetamine. This regulatory civil law lever engages third parties in controlling drug-related crime. The literature supports third-party partnerships as it engages experts who have knowledge and expertise with respect to prevention and harm minimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reimagines drug policy--specifically psychedelic drug policy--through the prism of human rights. Challenges to the incumbent prohibitionist paradigm that have been brought from this perspective to date--namely by calling for exemptions from criminalisation on therapeutic or religious grounds--are considered, before the assertion is made that there is a need to go beyond such reified constructs, calling for an end to psychedelic drug prohibitions on the basis of the more fundamental right to cognitive liberty. This central concept is explicated, asserted as being a crucial component of freedom of thought, as enshrined within Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It is argued that the right to cognitive liberty is routinely breached by the existence of the system of drug prohibition in the United Kingdom (UK), as encoded within the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971 (MDA). On this basis, it is proposed that Article 9 could be wielded to challenge the prohibitive system in the courts. This legal argument is supported by a parallel and entwined argument grounded in the political philosophy of classical liberalism: namely, that the state should only deploy the criminal law where an individual's actions demonstrably run a high risk of causing harm to others. Beyond the courts, it is recommended that this liberal, rights-based approach also inform psychedelic drug policy activism, moving past the current predominant focus on harm reduction, towards a prioritization of benefit maximization. How this might translate in to a different regulatory model for psychedelic drugs, a third way, distinct from the traditional criminal and medical systems of control, is tentatively considered. However, given the dominant political climate in the UK--with its move away from rights and towards a more authoritarian drug policy--the possibility that it is only through underground movements that cognitive liberty will be assured in the foreseeable future is contemplated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: By the year 2000, Canada faced high levels of illicit drug use and related harms. Simultaneously, a fundamental tension had raisen between continuing a mainly repression-based versus shifting to a more health-oriented drug policy approach. Despite a wealth of new data and numerous individual studies that have emerged since then, no comprehensive review of key indicators and developments of illicit drug use/harm epidemiology, interventions and law/policy exist; this paper seeks to fill this gap.Methods: We searched and reviewed journal publications, as well as key reports, government publications, surveys, etc. reporting on data and information since 2000. Relevant data were selected and extracted for review inclusion, and subsequently grouped and narratively summarized in major topical sub-theme categories.Results: Cannabis use has remained the principal form of illicit drug use; prescription opioid misuse has arisen as a new and extensive phenomenon. While new drug-related blood-borne-virus transmissions declined, overdose deaths increased in recent years. Acceptance and proliferation of - mainly local/community-based - health measures (e.g., needle exchange, crack paraphernalia or naloxone distribution) aiming at high-risk drug users has evolved, though reach and access limitations have persisted; Vancouver's 'supervised injection site' has attracted continued attention yet remains un-replicated elsewhere in Canada. While opioid maintenance treatment utilization increased, access to treatment for key (e.g., infectious disease, psychiatric) co-morbidities among drug users remained limited. Law enforcement continued to principally focus on cannabis and specifically cannabis users. 'Drug treatment courts' were introduced but have shown limited effectiveness; several attempts cannabis control law reform have failed, except for the recent establishment of 'medical cannabis' access provisions.Conclusions: While recent federal governments introduced several law and policy measures reinforcing a repression approach to illicit drug use, lower-level jurisdictions (e.g., provincial/municipal levels) and non-governmental organizations increasingly promoted social- and health-oriented intervention frameworks and interventions, therefore creating an increasingly bifurcated - and inherently contradictory - drug policy landscape and reality in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the fundamental challenges in anti-doping is identifying athletes who use, or are at risk of using, prohibited performance enhancing substances. The growing trend to employ a forensic approach to doping control aims to integrate information from social sciences (e.g., psychology of doping) into organised intelligence to protect clean sport. Beyond the foreseeable consequences of a positive identification as a doping user, this task is further complicated by the discrepancy between what constitutes a doping offence in the World Anti-Doping Code and operationalized in doping research. Whilst psychology plays an important role in developing our understanding of doping behaviour in order to inform intervention and prevention, its contribution to the array of doping diagnostic tools is still in its infancy. In both research and forensic settings, we must acknowledge that (1) socially desirable responding confounds self-reported psychometric test results and (2) that the cognitive complexity surrounding test performance means that the response-time based measures and the lie detector tests for revealing concealed life-events (e.g., doping use) are prone to produce false or non-interpretable outcomes in field settings. Differences in social-cognitive characteristics of doping behaviour that are tested at group level (doping users vs. non-users) cannot be extrapolated to individuals; nor these psychometric measures used for individual diagnostics. In this paper, we present a position statement calling for policy guidance on appropriate use of psychometric assessments in the pursuit of clean sport. We argue that, to date, both self-reported and response-time based psychometric tests for doping have been designed, tested and validated to explore how athletes feel and think about doping in order to develop a better understanding of doping behaviour, not to establish evidence for doping. A false 'positive' psychological profile for doping affects not only the individual 'clean' athlete but also their entourage, their organisation and sport itself. The proposed policy guidance aims to protect the global athletic community against social, ethical and legal consequences from potential misuse of psychological tests, including erroneous or incompetent applications as forensic diagnostic tools in both practice and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Kazakhstan and other countries in Central Asia are experiencing a rapidly growing HIV epidemic, which has historically been driven by injection drug use, but is more recently being fueled by heterosexual transmission.Methods: This paper examines HIV and HCV infection, as well as sexual and drug-related risks among female partners of men who inject drugs (MWID), comparing females who inject drugs (FWID) to non-injecting female partners on socio-demographic, relationship context, and structural characteristics.Results: The prevalence rate of HIV was 30.1% among FWID and 10.4% among non-IDU female partners of MWID. The prevalence rate of HCV was 89.8% among FWID and 14.8% among female non-IDUs. Less than one-fifth of all female participants had access to HIV education and services or harm reduction programs. Although high rates of non-injection drug use and sexual risk behaviors were found among both FWID and non-injecting female partners of MWID, we found that FWID were more likely to be HIV seropositive (aRR=3.03; 95% CI=1.78, 5.18) and HCV seropositive than non-IDU females (aRR=6.05; 95% CI=4.05, 9.04), were more likely to have used alcohol or drugs before sex (aRR=1.67; 95% CI=1.40, 2.00), and were more likely to have used sedatives, barbiturates, tranquilizers, sleeping pills, or painkillers that were not prescribed by a physician (aRR=17.45; 95% CI=8.01, 38.01).Conclusion: Given the spread of the HIV epidemic to heterosexual partners in Kazakhstan, more attention is needed in research, prevention, and policies regarding female partners of male injection drug users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]