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Abstract: India''s Parliament passed the Right to Education Act in 2009, which entitles all children 6–14 years old to at least eight years of schooling. This paper examines the cost of achieving this right to education, and asks whether India can fill the financing gap that must be filled if the right is to be realized. The paper notes the very considerable increase in central and state government allocation implied by the Act, and finds that there will be difficulties in finding the resources, given the large fiscal deficit occasioned by the global economic crisis. However, the paper goes on to suggest a series of measures that can be taken so that the right to schooling is no more denied or delayed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In the last decade the national Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) programme has focussed on universaling access to elementary education (Grades I–VIII). Most recently the Right to Education Act provides the legislative framework to guarantee schooling to all children between 6 and 14 years of age. It remains the case however that less than half of all children attend and complete secondary school especially in the Northern states. Under the 11th National Plan Rastriya Madhyamic Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) has been launched to increase the numbers entering secondary school. This paper explores some of the key issues in planning and managing the growth in participation that is envisaged so that 75% or more enjoy the benefits of transition to Grades IX and X. The issues include the constraints on expansion that arise from the restricted output of elementary school graduates, the continued exclusion of the poorest and those from disadvantaged groups from progression to Grade VIII, the costs to households and government of universal secondary schooling as currently structured, the limits to growth of private provision, the massive infrastructure needs, and the problems associated with increasing teacher supply and deployment. Policy dialogue around secondary school expansion is a central concern if India is to close the gap between itself and China and other rapidly developing countries in educating most of its population beyond the elementary level. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• After focusing on expanding physical access for last few decades, India is confronting the challenge of 'small' schools and moving toward school closure or rationalisation. But potential impact of such a policy remains under-investigated. • 'Small' schools are situated in villages which are relatively backward compared to the villages in which non- 'small' schools are situated. Students attending 'small' schools have fewer alternatives in that village. • 'Small' schools have higher probability of multi-grade teaching and are less likely to have basic infrastructural facilities. • Learning outcomes of students in 'small' schools are not different than that of students in non- 'small' schools. • School rationalisation is likely to have adverse consequences on children's access to schooling without any gains as far as learning levels are concerned. Alarmed by declining enrolment in government schools and potentially adverse academic, administrative and fiscal consequences associated with it, policy makers in India have initiated experimenting with closure of government schools with low enrolments ('small' schools), an exercise commonly referred to as 'school rationalisation'. However, the impact of this policy on access to schooling and learning remains empirically unexplored. Utilising ASER 2014 data, this paper asks three key questions: (a) what are the characteristics of villages in which 'small' schools are located?, (b) what options would students have if 'small schools' were to be closed, and finally (c) what are the differences in characteristics of 'small' and non-'small' schools? Results indicate that the villages which have 'small' schools are more disadvantaged in terms of essential public services such as all-weather roads leading to village, availability of government health facilities or banks and post offices. Additionally, these villages are less likely to have an alternative to the 'small' school, either government or private. Results also show that 'small schools' are much more likely to have multi-grade teaching. They are less likely to have basic infrastructural facilities. Interestingly, learning levels are unlikely to be different in 'small' schools than non- 'small' schools even after controlling for child, household and village attributes. Thus, the analysis suggests that school rationalisation can potentially have severe consequences on children's access to schools without any meaningful impact on learning levels in a 'business as usual' scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]