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This paper presents a comprehensive review of available methods for sizing irregular migrant populations as a particular group in the study of hidden populations. Based on the existing body of literature on the subject, a generic classification scheme is developed that divides existing estimation procedures into subcategories like “approaches”, “methods” and “estimation techniques”. For each of these categories, basic principles, methodical strengths and weaknesses, as well as practical problems, are identified and discussed with the use of existing examples. Special emphasis is placed on data requirements, data shortcomings and possible estimation biases. In addition, based on the empirical classification and quality assessment of country-specific estimates developed in the CLANDESTINO research project, the potential and requirements for replicating best practice models in other countries are explored. Finally, a number of conclusions on the appropriate design of estimation projects are offered.

Evidence from household surveying in December 2005 in Harare and Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, indicates that a wide network of international migrant remitters are ameliorating the economic crisis in Zimbabwe by sending monetary and in-kind transfers to over 50 per cent of urban households. The research combines quantitative measurement of scale and scope, with demographic and qualitative narrative to build a holistic picture of the typography of receiving and non-receiving households. A complex set of interrelated variables helps to explain why some households do and others do not receive income and goods from people who are away, and the economic and social extent of their subsequent benefit from them. Moreover, the mixed methods approach is designed to capture inter-household and likely macroeconomic effects of how households receive their goods and money; and of how they subsequently exchange (if applicable), store and spend it. Evidence emerges of a largely informal, international social welfare system, but one which is not without adverse inter-household effects for some. These include suffering exclusion from markets suffering from inflationary pressures, not least as a result of other people’s remittances. This paper explores the role of remittances, within this internationalised informal welfare system which we can map from our household survey, in reframing vulnerability and marginalization differentially among and between our subject households.

The paper addresses a number of issues regarding the extent to which trafficking may be applied to migrant domestic workers who enter under the kafala system of sponsorship in the Middle East. Migrant domestic workers are the most numerous of those mentioned in reports on trafficking for labour exploitation in the region. The discussion seeks to determine whether "trafficking" can be ex post facto, rather than ex ante? In other words, can the label of trafficking be attributed only after the worker has arrived in the receiving country and is victimized according to the principles of trafficking protocols? In addition, must there be a proven intent to traffic by agents, or can employers who harm and/or exploit them be considered as traffickers alone? Should the harm done to workers on arrival at their place of work be classified (and assisted) as victims of trafficking, or as exploited workers?

Poverty is often regarded as the "root cause" of trafficking, but the linkages between poverty, a lack of development and trafficking are complex. For example, there is some evidence to suggest that victims of cross-border trafficking are more likely to originate from middle-income rather than lower-income countries. Trafficking and development have tended to be treated as very separate policy areas and the assessment of the development impact of counter-trafficking programmes is still at an early stage. This paper outlines a possible framework for a more evidence-based approach to understanding the linkages between trafficking, trafficking policy and human development. The paper argues that the human development gains from greater mobility could be significantly enhanced if there was greater coherence between policies to combat trafficking and policies to promote development.

Because freedom of choice and economic gain are at the heart of productivity, human trafficking impedes national and international economic growth. Within the next 10 years, crime experts expect human trafficking to surpass drug and arms trafficking in its incidence, cost to human well-being, and profitability to criminals (Schauer and Wheaton, 2006: 164-165). The loss of agency from human trafficking as well as from modern slavery is the result of human vulnerability (Bales, 2000: 15). As people become vulnerable to exploitation and businesses continually seek the lowest-cost labour sources, trafficking human beings generates profit and a market for human trafficking is created. This paper presents an economic model of human trafficking that encompasses all known economic factors that affect human trafficking both across and within national borders. We envision human trafficking as a monopolistically competitive industry in which traffickers act as intermediaries between vulnerable individuals and employers by supplying differentiated products to employers. In the human trafficking market, the consumers are employers of trafficked labour and the products are human beings. Using a rational-choice framework of human trafficking we explain the social situations that shape relocation and working decisions of vulnerable populations leading to human trafficking, the impetus for being a trafficker, and the decisions by employers of trafficked individuals. The goal of this paper is to provide a common ground upon which policymakers and researchers can collaborate to decrease the incidence of trafficking in humans.

Narratives surrounding human trafficking, especially trafficking in women for sex work, employ gendered and racialized tropes that have among their effects, a shrouding of women's economic decision-making and state collusion in benefiting from their labour. This paper explores the operation of these narratives in order to understand the ways in which they mask the economics of trafficking by sensationalizing the sexual and criminal aspects of it, which in turn allows the state to pursue political projects under the guise of a benevolent concern for trafficked women and/or protection of its own citizens. This paper will explore one national example: Article 18 of Italian Law 40 (1998). I argue that its passage has led to an increase in cooperation with criminal prosecution of traffickers largely because it approaches trafficked women as capable of making decisions about how and what they themselves want to do. This paper will also consider a more global approach to trafficking embedded in the concept of "migration management", an International Organization for Migration (IOM) framework that is now shaping EU, US and other national immigration laws and policies that impact trafficking. It will also examine the inherent limitations of both the national and global approach as an occasion to unpack how Article 18 and Migration Management function as forms of biopolitical management that participate in the production of "trafficking victims" into a massified population to be managed, rather than engender a more engaged discussion of what constitutes trafficking and how to redress it.