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SPAIN: Antonio Izquierdo Escribano: Professor of Sociology, University of CoruHa. Dr. Izquierdo Escribano presented a historical overview of Spanish policy toward its emigrants since the advent of Franco. He detailed [...]

A recent report on migrant domestic work in Lebanon has cited psychological disorder among Lebanese ' Madams' as the leading cause of violence against their migrant maids (Jureidini, 2011, www.kafa.org.lb/StudiesPublicationPDF/PRpdf38.pdf). This report typifies much of the existing scholarship on the experiences of migrant domestic workers ( MDWs) in the Middle East, where the focus is on employer-employee relationships, especially the abusive Arab ' Madam.' In this paper, I argue that the portrayal of violations of MDW rights as abuse of one set of women by another is inherently problematic on several fronts. It privatizes the structural problem of workers' and immigrant rights violations, delegates it to the household, and absolves the state of its responsibility. Moreover, the focus on abusive employers takes attention away from the root of the problem - the inherently exploitative system of migration and recruitment in the region, the sponsorship system. The sponsorship system not only creates conditions for much of these violations, but also systematically produces a new population of readily exploitable worker - the category of 'illegal workers.' Oral histories and interviews with individual workers are employed to analyze the process by which illegal workers are 'produced' in Lebanon. Finally, focus group discussions highlight critical policy recommendations made by the workers themselves, which address the systemic bases of their exploitation in Lebanon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the rarely examined experiences of unaccompanied refugee minors in Nairobi, Kenya. Children are thought to comprise up to a third of Nairobi's refugee population, however, there is virtually no data on them. The paper provides a first analysis of a unique dataset to ascertain unaccompanied minor refugees' experiences of physical, emotional, resource related, and sexual violence. Our research findings indicate widespread violence among refugee children living in Nairobi, and denote the prevalence of several kinds of violence in particular. Our results also reveal which children are most at risk and the type of abuse they are most likely to experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies acknowledge the role of a liminal legal status as well as geopolitical factors in constituting a demand for an alternative citizenship. Less is known about the effects of war or political turmoil in countries of nationality for populations who live outside those countries in places with little or no permanent settlement paths. This paper takes the case of Syrian nationals born and raised in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to explore the impact of war in Syria on their considerations about, and for some, experiences of, migration, including through asylum-seeking in Europe. It argues that this migration is less about relocation to the "West" and more about a solution to restrictions tied to their liminality in the UAE, as well as their citizenship by birth. By pursuing "stronger" passports from elsewhere, they seek an ability to choose where they live — including the option to stay "home" in the UAE or maintain links there. This paper introduces the notion of circumstantial citizenship to better understand how, when, and for whom citizenship matters in restrictive migration contexts. By engaging with key debates in migration studies, such as volition, alternatives, and options, circumstantial citizenship conceptualizes people's complex journeys as they navigate liminality, changing conditions, international borders, and limited resources to access the long-term security of a better passport. Findings provide significant insights into the role of restrictive migration policies in shaping the value and meaning of citizenship and driving onward migration in complex ways today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about Canada's Green Paper on Immigration Policy. Minister of Manpower and Immigration, the Honorable Robert Andras, finally tabled the Canadian government's Green Paper on immigration policy, in the House of Commons on February 3, 1975. Canadian governments produce green papers in order to initiate a national discussion on particular issues, and white papers when they wish to make specific policy proposals, often leading to legislation. It examines the contents of Canada's Green Paper and to reflect upon the circumstances in which it was written and on the implications it may have for the future development of our immigration policy and programs. Throughout the post-war period, Canadian immigration policy has had very short-term objectives, although there has always been an underlying assumption that immigration meant population growth and that this was what Canada needed. The motivation of the Canadian government in setting up a task force-the Canadian Immigration and Population Study-in September 1973 to produce a Green Paper on immigration and population growth.

While assimilation theories implicitly assume that immigrants' acceptance as "one of us" derives from their high levels of socioeconomic attainment in destination countries, little is known about the subjective experience of national belonging among the new immigrant elite in Western Europe. In this article, I assemble an analytical framework to study perceived acceptance within the national imagined community among immigrant-origin individuals who have already achieved high socioeconomic attainment at destination. Empirically, I look at subjective experiences of stigma and national belonging through in-depth interviews with forty-two professionals of North and Sub-Saharan African origins in France. How do these high-status individuals experience stigma, and how do they negotiate and claim inclusion as worthy members of the French imagined community? Respondents generally perceive only moderate levels of racial stigma in their daily lives, and I find that upper-middle-class culture empowers them to use cultural elitism to deflect racism as intellectually backward and illegitimate. However, I also find that self-identified Muslim respondents face widespread religious stigmatization that cast them as outsiders to French society. They respond to this stigmatization by distinguishing themselves from "undesirable" Muslims, rather than by denouncing anti-Muslim prejudice per se. These divergent experiences suggest that acceptance within the French nation is shaped by religious difference and remains actively negotiated after the achievement of social mobility. Overall, the paper suggests that cultural repertoires play a key role in enabling immigrant-origin individuals to claim national belonging in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, Egypt has gained strategic significance in migration with the start of the Arab Spring. The situation in the region has led to a tripling in the number of refugees and asylum seekers registered in Egypt. Migration policy making in Egypt has focused on the emigration of workers and diaspora engagement. Egypt has increasingly become a country of destination and transit which necessitates a fundamental shift in Egyptian migration policies. This paper examines Egypt's migration policy development over time, along with the main strategic goals and potential policy partnerships. Accordingly, the article explains how the successive Governments of Egypt have modeled the country's migration policies to pursue other policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant housing investments in the countries of origin are a demonstration of their transnational engagement and their potential contribution to local development. Yet, these investments remain relatively understudied on a large scale. In this paper, we explore three related questions on the drivers, prevalence, and development of transnational housing, drawing on an original survey of Ecuadorian and Indian migrants in different European cities. First, what factors account for the likelihood of migrants owning a remittance house? Second, for those migrants without houses abroad, what factors account for the likelihood of aspiring to have a remittance house in the first place, as opposed to "not being interested"? Third, how do factors affecting the likelihood of owning a remittance house compare to those affecting the likelihood of being a remittance house dreamer? Our findings suggest that, among those without a remittance house, the likelihood of being a transnational house dreamer decreases with the length of residence abroad, while the length of stay has no statistically significant impact on the likelihood of transnational house ownership. We also find that migrants with greater economic capacity are less likely to be dreamers and more likely to be transnational house-owners, suggesting that the difference between being a transnational house-dreamer and a transnational house-owner is often financial. Finally, greater attachment to the country of origin increases the likelihood of being both a transnational house owner and a transnational dreamer. We also discuss how the results change across migrant groups and across genders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the question of who and what drives forced migration governance in origin, host, and transit states, drawing on empirical material from the contemporary Syrian and Libyan, and the historical Algerian displacement situations. These three cases are examples for different forced migration governance approaches, ranging from open-supportive (Algeria), to restrictive-selective (Syria) and laissez-faire (Libya). We identify three key drivers of forced migration governance to explain variation in governance outcome: domestic, geopolitical, and international-normative drivers. We understand forced migration governance as a state-making strategy for different state and non-state actors in origin, transit, and host countries. We argue that while forced migration governance is negotiated around humanitarian principles in which international organizations and civil society play a crucial role, the international-normative driver remains strongly bound to domestic and geopolitical logics. Political and economic interests are key factors of forced migration governance in host countries, especially if they align with political interests and state-making strategies of state and non-state actors in origin countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of 9/11 on the self-employment outcomes of Arab and Muslim immigrants. Using CPS Data 2000–2005 and a difference-in-differences approach, I analyze the changes in their self-employment entry/exit decisions and earnings after 9/11 using native whites as the main comparison group. I find that the Arab and Muslim immigrants are less likely to enter self-employment after 9/11, especially into industries that require higher levels of capital investment. However, there is no evidence that 9/11 has negative impacts on their exit decisions or earnings. The paper further documents a shift of Arab and Muslim immigrants’ businesses toward industries such as construction, finance/real estate/insurance services, and professional services after 9/11, areas in which they have performed well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the means for the exclusion of groups deemed undesirable within the Lockean liberal tradition, particularly as the American Federalists modified it. It further explores the consequences of the practical application of this vision for immigration in the American case. The author contends that controversies about immigration in America demonstrate a deeply communitarian strain within Lockean liberalism that feeds rationalized exclusionary practice. This argument turns on an analysis of liberal theories of consent in Locke and early American thinkers. The goal of the paper is to make the Lockean tradition and its American adaptations speak more clearly about immigration, so that the issue can be better defined. In framing both the use and abuse of immigrants and the foundations of such behavior as problematic, the author hopes to provoke fresh thinking about the nature of and possible solutions to American exclusionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains why international migrants, who face numerous security and cultural threats in their host societies, are almost never implicated in civil war violence. This is quite different from situations of internal migration, which often set off violence that escalates to civil war proportions. The paper first lays out the stark contrast between the political implications of external and internal migration based on data adapted from the Minorities at Risk (MAR) dataset. It then explores the reasons for the low incidence of civil war violence for international migrants through an examination of three cases: Bahrain, which has a large expatriate community without political rights that has been politically quiescent; Estonia, where some 30 percent of the population are disaffected Russian-speakers linked to post-World War II migrations from other republics of the Soviet Union; and Pakistan, where the immigrant Muhajirs are a partial exception to the general pattern outlined in this paper. It concludes with a general statement of the relationship between immigration and rebellion, where the level of grievances is less consequential than the conditions that make insurgency pay off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom, like many developed world economies, has witnessed unprecedented immigration since the early 1990s. Also in line with other developed world economies, the United Kingdom has adopted a 'managed migration' policy paradigm. The paper argues that the operation of this paradigm is best understood with reference to two key concepts: migration policy 'venues' and migration policy 'filters.' In terms of the former, the paper argues that managed migration policy is associated with outward, upward, and downward rescaling and commensurate venue growth and diversification. In terms of the latter, the paper argues that six policy filters (legal, geographical, credential, transfer-based, monetary, and humanitarian) are commonly used to determine legitimate forms of migration but that one (the geographical filter) has been particularly prominent within the United Kingdom's managed migration policy paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the regulatory regimes surrounding the operations of intermediaries who facilitate Ethiopian women's employment as contract domestic workers in the Middle East. Drawing on empirical research in Ethiopia, Lebanon, and Kuwait, the paper focuses on the commonly observed problem of "regulatory failure," as states and international agencies frequently fail to achieve their objectives in the regulation of intermediaries of migration. This paper argues that a decentered approach to regulation can provide a productive diagnosis of regulatory failure, one that recognizes how power may be dispersed between social actors and (non-unitary) state actors and how it is differentially exercised across multiple regulatory regimes within this migration trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006, around 1.2 million documented Afghans remained in Iran, of whom half were second generation. This paper is based on the results of a qualitative study conducted in three settings: Tehran, Mashhad and Isfahan, and draws on data collected via 80 in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions with second generation Afghans in Iran. The aim of the paper is to explore the adaptation of second-generation Afghans in Iran, particularly in relation to marriage and family formation. The results show that educational achievements and occupational skills of the second-generation Afghans in Iran facilitated their adaptation to the host society, and inspired different marriage and family behaviors and aspirations in comparison with the first generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the institutional logics of migration policy making at local city level, comparing four Danish municipal approaches. Using a theoretical framework on political opportunity structures, policy frames, and institutional logics, the paper argues that divergences between national and local level can be explained not only as an unsuccessful transposition of nationally formulated policies, but also as an outcome of divergence in alternative and competing policy frames, political rationales, and institutional logics. Investigating factors such as size, economy, and organizational structure, the paper offers three interrelated explanations for divergences between national and local level and between different local approaches. The paper argues that the difference in national and local level political opportunity structures makes a difference; that ideas diffused from outside the national context can inform local-level policy making; and that policies are situated within and adjusted to the broader cultural economy and city branding as part of competition between cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Gap," "split," and "divide" are just a few among many words used in publicizing the divergence of literature on internal and international migration. In this paper, we empirically test what has so far been just a conjecture. Using Web of Science data and bibliometric techniques, we, first, provide quantitative measures of the size of the proclaimed gap. Second, we inquire into the existing conceptual overlap between the two strands of academic literature. Third, we search for channels through which research on internal and international migration can potentially blend into becoming a single, more holistic area of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper finds that the decline in the numbers of Basotho1 migrant mine workers since the 1990s was not market induced but rather a result of political and policy changes in South Africa. As a result of these changes, household income throughout rural Lesotho dropped significantly. As current migrant households generally do not have skilled workers or operate family businesses, the paper makes a case for training in skills and entrepreneurship as a means of utilizing Lesotho's comparative advantages to generate domestic employment and absorb retrenched and prospective migrant mine workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the structures and practices of temporary migrant worker programs (TMWP) as they operate in Canadian agriculture. Acting within highly competitive, globalized markets, agri-food employers rely on the availability of migrant workers to achieve greater flexibility in their labor arrangements, drawing on employment practices beyond those possible with a domestic workforce. Most recently, changes to Canada’s two TMWP schemes have provided employers with greater scope to shape the social composition of their workforce. The paper analyzes these changes while exploring their implications for workplace regimes in agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent times, many nations are experiencing an increase in anti-immigrant attitudes on the part of natives. Most papers only explore one or two sources of anti-immigrant attitudes at a time, which provides an incomplete picture of the effects at work. This paper tests eight different explanations for anti-immigrant attitudes: cultural marginality theory, human capital theory, political affiliation, societal integration, neighborhood safety, contact theory, foreign investment, and economic competition. Analysis is conducted using combined data from the European Social Survey and Eurostat/OECD and individual-, regional-, and national-level predictors. Results indicate that key predictors of anti-immigrant attitudes are regional and national interpersonal trust, education level, foreign direct investment, and political variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate on migration and development has swung back and forth like a pendulum, from developmentalist optimism in the 1950s and 1960s, to neo-Marxist pessimism over the 1970s and 1980s, towards more optimistic views in the 1990s and 2000s. This paper argues how such discursive shifts in the migration and development debate should be primarily seen as part of more general paradigm shifts in social and development theory. However, the classical opposition between pessimistic and optimistic views is challenged by empirical evidence pointing to the heterogeneity of migration impacts. By integrating and amending insights from the new economics of labor migration, livelihood perspectives in development studies and transnational perspectives in migration studies – which share several though as yet unobserved conceptual parallels – this paper elaborates the contours of a conceptual framework that simultaneously integrates agency and structure perspectives and is therefore able to account for the heterogeneous nature of migration-development interactions. The resulting perspective reveals the naivety of recent views celebrating migration as self-help development “from below”. These views are largely ideologically driven and shift the attention away from structural constraints and the vital role of states in shaping favorable conditions for positive development impacts of migration to occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the association between migration and gender roles measured by women’s paid work. The main migrant group of this study, its context and the method of analysis provide opportunity to meet this objective appropriately. The paper focuses on female migrants from the Middle East and North Africa region, who are often characterized by traditional gender roles including women’s low rates of paid work. The residing country of this migrant group is Australia, which holds different gender roles including women’s high work participation rate. Accordingly, the multivariate results of this paper provide empirical evidence to examine the effects of migration on gender roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of co-ethnic social capital on the earnings of refugees, using a unique data set for adult refugees who resettled in Portland, Maine, between 1998 and 2004. Multiple regression models test the effect of access to co-ethnic social capital on the log earnings of refugees in their first and most recent years of work. Results show that over time access to co-ethnic social capital upon arrival decreased earnings for female refugees. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the findings for social capital and immigration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper advances our empirical and theoretical understanding of migrant assimilation. It does so by focusing on a very particular group of individuals who appear more likely than other migrant types to “go native.” We call these individuals “mixed nationality relationship migrants” ( i.e., migrants who have committed to a life outside their home country because of the presence of a foreign partner). The paper argues that the transnational family milieus that emerge from this form of international migration are critical to the assimilation process. Empirical material from 11 in-depth interviews with female migrants in Britain (Sheffield) and France (Paris) supports our argument. We also suggest that such “extreme” assimilation is more likely within a regional migratory system – like the EU – where the “identity frontiers” crossed in the formation of a transnational family are relatively shallow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the differences associated with the patterns and determinants of women's market employment by migration status and ethnic origin. Considering “ethnic employment” as an important issue in the immigrant labor market assimilation approach and migrants’ success in the labor market as a key indication of their settlement in the host country, the results of this paper provide a basis to reassess the patterns and determinants associated with the settlement of female migrants in the multiethnic and multicultural labor market of Australia as “a particularly interesting society in which to examine how immigrant women adapt to [a] new labour market” ( Evans, 1984 :1063). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an empirical assessment of the prevalence and determinants of cross-state social exchanges and attachments among Latin American immigrants living in the United States. As we shall show, using data from a recent survey of Latin American migrants living in the United States, migrant cross-state social action comes in a variety of types, with the direction of conditioning factors differing from one type to another. Moreover, social and political incorporation in the United States reduces affective ties and provision of material support, all the while facilitating other forms of cross-state social action. Consequently, while international migrants regularly engage in trans-state social action, the paper shows that neither transnational ism as condition of being, nor transmigrants, as distinctive class of people, is commonly found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labor migration and commerce between Sudan and Libya have long been features of livelihoods in Darfur. This paper describes the importance of historical trade and migration links between Darfur and Libya, and provides a background to the political and economic situation in Libya which has influenced opportunities for Sudanese migrant workers. A case study of the situation of the Darfurian migrants in Kufra (an oasis and transnational trade hub in southern Libya) illustrates how the recent Darfur conflict has affected migration patterns from Darfur and remittance flows in the opposite direction. Official estimates of Darfurian migrant workers in Libya were unavailable but were estimated to be between 150,000 and 250,000. The closure of the national border between Sudan and Libya in May 2003, largely a result of insecurity in Darfur, stopped the traffic of migrant workers between northern Darfur and southern Libya (which prevented the onward travel to Sudan of several thousand migrants in Kufra), and curtailed the well-established trade routes, communications, and remittance flows. The current limited economic prospects for migrant workers in Libya, combined with the threat of detention, difficulties of return to Sudan, and loss of contact with and uncertainty about the fate of their families in Darfur, have created a sense of despair among many Darfurians. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations to improve the conditions of the Darfurian migrants in Libya, including an amnesty for illegal migrants, and also to ease the travel of migrants, promote communications between Libya and Darfur, and support the flow of remittances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data drawn from the 2000 US and the 2001 Canadian Censuses, this paper analyzes the onward emigration of Canadian immigrants to the US between 1995 and 2000. The characteristics of an estimated 48,336 Canadian immigrants who made an onward emigration from Canada to the United States are examined. This paper also seeks to determine whether onward foreign-born emigrants are representative of immigrants in Canada and Canadian-born emigrants to the US. Results indicate that onward emigrants are primarily young, married, possess a bachelor's degree, earn incomes of $100,000 US or greater, and reside in large immigrant-receiving states and metropolitan areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper two gaps in North American immigrant homeownership research are addressed. The first concerns the lack of studies (especially in Canada) that identify changes in homeownership rates by skin color over time, and the second relates to the shortage of comparative research between Canada and the United States on this topic. In this paper the homeownership levels and attainment rates of Black, Chinese, Filipino, White, and South Asian immigrants are compared in Canada and the United States for 1970/1971–2000/2001. For the most part, greater similarities than differences are found between the two countries. Both Canadian and U.S. Chinese and White immigrants have the highest adjusted homeownership rates of all groups, at times even exceeding comparably positioned native-born households. Black immigrants, on the other hand, tend to have the lowest ownership rates of all groups, particularly in the United States, with Filipinos and South Asians situated between these extremes. Most of these differences stem from disparities that exist at arrival, however, and not from differential advancement into homeownership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]