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Since October 2020 there is a new actor in Israel's maritime space and energy sector after the Chevron Corporation acquired Noble Energy. This article examines the first year under the headings: financial aspects, regional politics, the UAE and the Abraham Accords, the EastMed natural gas pipeline, security aspects, Chevron and local companies and scandals and environmental aspects. The analysis determines the historical significances and projects ways forward, for a win–win outcome for Chevron and Israel. Chevron has ability to make the EastMed pipeline happen may also have positive ramifications for regional politics. Israel as a regulator will not permit Chevron to gain a larger stake of the gas fields, or even increase prices to the IEC and so to consumers. Israel will aim to ensure that Chevron will not cut corners that could result in labour issues, health and safety dangers, and environmental catastrophe. The Israel Navy has procured four new warships, to meet the gas fields' direct security needs, permitting a Brown Water doctrine shift while enabling enhanced power projection capability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines relations between the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the State of Israel from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1962 to 2020. It analyses the internal and external factors influencing their foreign and security policies as well as mutual misunderstandings and the attendant problems, notably the failure to sign a free trade agreement till 2020. Despite these difficulties, and the geostrategic complexity of the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, that influences Seoul's interests in the region and its relations with Israel, the bilateral relationship will further improve once the free trade agreement is ratified by both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the political-military implications of the roles played by Lt. Gen. (Res.) Shaul Mofaz who served as the IDF chief of staff and, almost immediately upon retirement was appointed Israel's minister of defence. There were problems not only in Mofaz's sudden transition from military to civilian office, but also in the way that he functioned both in his military role and subsequent civilian position. The two stages in Mofaz's public career are only the latest examples of the complex nature of Israel's civil-military relations, where formalized rules of procedure are absent. They also reflect the attempts of each echelon, the civil and military, to force the other's hand (although it is universally accepted that the army is subordinate to the political leadership). The power struggle is the result of two parallel processes: the army's growing influence in government decision-making on security matters, and the government's waning ability to limit the senior command's influence on security decisions. The main causes of this situation can be traced to the long and arduous process that brought the army to a pre-eminent position on national security issues. Paradoxically, the military's powerful leverage that now appears to threaten the political system is the result of the government's abandonment of the frontlines to the army's responsibility in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do publics around the world view Israel? With which side of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are their sympathies and why? Using Pew survey data from 45 countries we analyse individual-level attitudes towards the two sides to the conflict, testing the influence of security factors, regime types and economic relations, as well as religious identity. We find a large range of attitudes, including high levels of sympathy for both Israel and the Palestinians as well as high levels of neutrality. Religious identity plays the most central role in determining whom to support, whereas economic and security factors are secondary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts to isolate and delegitimise nations pose a growing danger to state security. The components used in such efforts are, however, not fully understood. This article expands upon existing research by proposing that there are seven areas in which states can face isolation efforts: political, economic, military, sociocultural, media, lawfare, and religious. Moreover, it proposes the idea of ‘destruction-oriented’ isolation, which aims to destroy a state, not merely create change. The ongoing campaign against Israel serves as the case study. Gaining a better understanding of these different tools will allow states to better prepare themselves to withstand these threats. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the differences between strategic intelligence and counterintelligence, a much less researched subfield of the intelligence discipline. One reason for this scholarly neglect is the perception of counterintelligence as highly sensitive due to its preoccupation with internal affairs, considered too confidential for open discussion. Another reason is the apparent lack of understanding of the real contribution of counterintelligence to national security. This article seeks to fill this scholarly lacuna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israeli foreign policy is a complex process comprising national and Jewish dimensions, whereby the government has often to strike a delicate balance between the desire to protect Israel’s national interests and the need to consider the interests of diaspora Jews. This problem becomes particularly pronounced with regard to national security issues as the security echelons tend to interfere in pure foreign policy issues in total disregard of the Jewish dimension of this policy, and nowhere was this phenomenon more starkly demonstrated than the Lavon and Pollard affairs of the 1950s and 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Begin's ideology with regard to Judea, Samaria and Gaza was based on historical, theological and security related grounds, leading him to conclude that the Jewish people have an eternal, sacred right to the land. This was the basis for his settlement policy as prime minister and for the Palestinian autonomy proposal he made – both meant to prevent a division of the Land of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of the Israeli judiciary have studied strategic behaviour in the system. Yet, relatively little attention has been given to strategic behaviour at the level of the collegial game in the Israeli Supreme Court. This article examines in detail the institutional platform of this Court, and argues that it is conducive to strategic behaviour of individual justices in their interactions with their brethren. The effects of strategic thinking on the part of individual Israeli justices are not limited to the collegial game. Rather, such thinking has had wide reaching ramifications for policymaking in diverse domains such as national security, state and religion and the separation of powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals a huge gap between the threat to Israel's national security and well-being due to its poor reputation abroad and the meagre public diplomacy (PD) programme designed to address this threat. It provides a brief introduction to the New Public Diplomacy and the World Standing Index. It examines Israel's place in the world as seen in the debates about its right to exist, in the war of words and at the United Nations. It analyzes Israel's approach to PD.

The article suggests that Israel urgently needs a radically new political-security grand-strategy. It reveals the reason necessitating the crafting of a radically novel breakout political-security-grand-strategy for Israel. It evaluates the radical shift in Israel's geo-strategic realities. It discusses fundamental political-security challenges facing Israel.

Discusses the changes on the milieus of the Jewish Yishuv and the war of 1948 and their implications for the national security conception of Israel. Elements at the core of the Israeli national security conception; Implications of the development experienced by the Middle East since 1990 for Israeli national security; Fundamental beliefs at the center of the psychological milieu of Israel.