Search

This paper discusses the tendency of new voters to vote for the first time in the 15th General Election (GE15). Based on the statistics released by the Election Commission (SPR), the number of new voters who voted for the first time is around 6.2 million, of which 1.3 million are between 18 and 20 years old. Since they are a group of first-time voters, the tendency of their political support could be unclearer. Many parties wonder where their political support is headed, especially in the manycornered competition involving extensive political cooperation such as Perikatan Nasional, Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and Gerakan Tanah Air. Accordingly, this paper aims to examine the tendency of new voters during the last GE15 campaign period through an online survey. The survey was conducted openly with the target of eligible voters, and 1438 respondents have given feedback. The study results show that 91 percent of the total number of respondents will go out to vote, and they tend to choose elected representatives who have integrity and are free of corruption, do not break promises, and are highly educated. Most of the group of respondents also tend to support national political trends. From that, new voters who vote for the first time have a good intensity of political literacy. Therefore, they become the determinants of changes in the current political support unrelated to political patronage elements like previous generations. They can also be catalysts for change in society in general and the country's leadership in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immediate response by countries worldwide to curb the spread of Covid-19 pandemic in early 2020 was through the implementation of border lockdown, minimizing human movements. Malaysia launched Ops Benteng (Fortress Operation) via National Task Force (NTF) as the country faced high risk transmission through under-detected illegal movements of people across the land and maritime borders. Human trafficking and smuggling has been a great concern before the pandemic, and thus posing unprecedented challenge to the Malaysian border security agencies. This paper aims to analyze the role of security agencies involved in Ops Benteng, the extent of coordination and challenges faced by NTF while implementing the border control measures. The methods include structured interview with officials from Ministry of Defence (MINDEF), the Home Ministry (KDN), and the National Security Council (NSC). This studywill be the first in articulating duties and responsibilities, as well as cooperation between border control agencies and challenges faced in security governance structures. The author argues that the dilemma of compartmentalizing problems by the agencies working in silo and the bureaucratic hurdles that impede coordination efficiencies need to be addressed by all involved stakeholders and the implementation efficiency can be further enhanced by an integrated cooperation framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the reaction of members of the Malayan Communist Party towards the British administrators during the emergency in Malaya. The analysis focuses on the observation of the memoirs written by selected MCP members involved in the emergency in Malaya, 1948 - 1960. The objective of the research is to show the reaction of the members of the MCP through the guerrilla movement as well as the cooperation displayed by the masses throughout the 12 years of emergency. Hence, memoirs written by a number of selected members of the MCP such as Abdullah C.D., Suriani Abdullah, Chin Peng, Rashid Maidin, and Shamsiah Fakeh were used as the primary source of this discussion. Analyzing the memoirs of the selected members are important to identify the types of reaction displayed by the organization during the emergency as the memoirs holds the ability to clearly magnify the reactions discussed in this paper. The memoirs were observed, interpreted and arranged in a single chronology supported by objective argumentation and notes from the primary documents sourced from the archive. The archive sources were retrieved from the National Archive of Malaysia, The National Archive (TNA), London as well as National Archive of Singapore along with documents in the form of newspaper. The document consists of foreign offices files (FO 800), the colonial files (FCO 141) as well as the cabinet files of the British government (CAB). This paper therefore, conclude that memoirs of the selected MCP members has the ability to show the reactions of the MCP on the national state of emergency declared by the British administrators in order to present an objective historical discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The employment relationship is a contemporary concept compared to industrial relations. Moreover, employment relationships include employer-employee relations, institutions and power. Therefore, this study examines the literature that is in line with trends and developments from time to time about trade unions and the employment relationship. Besides, the literature on trade unions and employment relationships in the Malaysian language and scope of political science are still lacking. Thus, all papers related to the two topics including democracy was identified. This study considers both qualitative and quantitative research papers. The year limitation for this literature review is from 2001 to 2021 to see trends and developments on this topic in the last 20 years. Following on from that, this study finds that the factors of trade union membership, trade union density, organizing and recruiting, trade union challenges, union democracy, employer tactics, and the role of the State are discourses that are consistently discussed among scholars in various countries. This consistency suggests that the theme of trade unions is well established in the employment relationship literature because trade unions to this day remain seen as the most relevant actor in fighting for workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Jardine Matheson & Co.'s (JM) response to the riots, strikes, and boycotts that the Chinese people, particularly the workers, engaged in from 1925 to 1926. The occurrence was widespread and lasted for a considerable amount of time. spreading from the south to other regions. The British were a prime target of protests, strikes, and boycotts. JM became one of the British companies that were immediately impacted by the disaster as a result. JM's business's shipping, port, and manufacturing sectors were severely disrupted and destroyed.JM suffered a large loss because of the riot's property damage. JM was also required to comply with the workers' requests for pay increases. To defend JM's position and business interests in China, JM reacted to the incident because of the circumstance. Therefore, qualitative research methods and library research were utilized to examine JM's response to episodes of riots, strikes, and boycotts that happened throughout the time covered by this paper. Primary sources for the study included letters, reports from the London Foreign Office (FO371), meeting materials and minutes from the JM Company, and British business organizations including the China Association. While secondary sources are the results of earlier research, including books and journals. Both sources were used in the creation of this article. The results of this study are expected to add to the corpus of additional knowledge in the study of modern Chinese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate another side of the history of secular education in the Malay States in the 1940s and 1950s. The focal point of this paper is on the discussions published in the Malay magazines and newspapers on the responsibility of the teachers to enhance methodology of their teachings. This is a library research and conducted based on qualitative approach. Information derived from the Malay magazines such as Majalah Guru, Panduan Raayat, Sahabat and Bintang Malaya. Besides that, secondary sources like books and articles had also consulted. Documents consulted demonstrate that teachers were required to have a charismatic personality and creative in their teachings. Governments paid special attention to the issues related to education and tried to eradicate illiteracy through radio broadcasting program. In summary, discussions on teaching methods and strategies as well as teachers' personality traits published in Malay periodicals in this period of study contain valuable information for those involved ineducational field today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Johor Sultanate emerged in the 16th century as the heir of the Malay Sultanate of Melaka. This paper examines the consolidation of Johor's authority from its founding up to the new era of politics and administration in the 18th century. The Johor Sultanate was one of the rising powers in the Malay World. To the Malays, the nexus, focal point, and execution of power began and end with the palace. This power encompasses not only politics and administration, but the socio-economic aspects as well. With this in mind, the objective of this paper is to discuss the extent of the Johor Sultanate's enduring presence from 1528 to the 18th century (in fact, even to the present), and also explain the significance of the 'sultan' as the pillar of Malay authority. The final objective is to assess how the Johor Sultanate became an influential Malay power among the competing regional and foreign powers for centuries. This paper uses the qualitative method based on historical discipline. Therefore, the library research method was used, with the author's exhaustive consultation of Malay manuscripts and authoritative secondary sources. This study found that overall, the political and administrative developments in the Johor Sultanate within the period in question saw many ups and downs. However, the sultanate endured as the symbol of Malay power from 1528 to the 18th century. The position of the 'sultan' as the pillar of Malay authority remained, even with conflicts of succession and dynastic changes. Therefore, the Johor Sultanate remained among the most influential powers in the Malay World, alongside their competition such as Aceh, Jambi, the Portuguese, the Dutch, and other political entities. This was achieved through an organised political and administrative system, as well as well-planned diplomatic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses an Indonesian woman named Noer Nahar who struggled and sacrificed time and money to help her husband, Natsir achieve his ambition of developing a modern religious school known as the Pendis School (1932-1942) during the Dutch colonial era, specifically in Java. The article examines the role and character of a modern woman in the struggle to shape awareness in children and women in terms of education, nationalism and the emancipation of Indonesian women. According to Noer Nahar, the Indonesians were not only weak in general knowledge of the world, their religious knowledge too was not properly developed in the modern education system. Based on these problems, the main objective of this study is to analyze the role of Noer Nahar's struggles in establishing a modern religious school, known as the Pendis School in West Java. The question now is, did Noer Nahar's struggles to form such a school, succeed? The discussion in this paper is based on the analysis of various resources spanning from private letters, work papers and interviews, to the archival research method based study that analysed Dutch documents. This research employed materials and data from the National Archives of Indonesia, the National Library of Indonesia and the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah of Indonesia. This paper traces Noer Nahar's struggle in developing a modern religious school despite not getting any support from the Dutch colonial regime. As a female teacher, she also fostered education through Indonesian nationalism to her students for the ultimate purpose of obtaining Indonesian independence. This writing highlights Indonesian women figures in the folds of history for public knowledge and awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will approach the development of Alor Setar as a commercial centre in the era between 1735-1909. Within this context, the advancement of this city will be plotted from the aspect of the commercial activities being conducted as well as the factors that triggered the growth of a better and rapid-growing Alor Setar. This study uses the qualitative measurement which involves the collection and data analysis from primary sources obtained from the National Archive of Malaysia such as letters sent by Sultan Muhammad Jiwa to Francis Light, Reminders from the Rulers of Kedah, Sultan Abdul Hamid's Letters and CO 716, Kedah/Perlis Sessional Papers, 1905-1937. The outcome of this study shows that since the year of 1735, when Alor Setar began its operation as the state administration centre, the city had become the hub for local people and also foreigners. Within this period of time, there was evidence of hasty trading activities between Alor Setar and foreign traders from Penang, India and China. Among the commodities being merchandised were food supplies namely rice, farm animals and woods. The consequence of these transactions provided a large sum of income to Kedah state. In addition, the commercial activities in Alor Setar had been enhanced with the presence of trading emporiums which allotted stores selling assorted items, for example the pawn shop, textile stores and groceries stores. The existence of Alor Setar as a rapid-growing commercial centre was contributed by several factors such as the effectiveness of administration, the efficiency of town safety control, the sophistication of the communication and transportation system, the competency of health control system and also the presence of town port. These indeed have become the undeniably alluring attractions for traders to pursue their trading business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teachers are an important political socialization agent in assisting the process of fostering ethnic unity among students. At primary school level, teachers act as influential political socialization agents in nurturing awareness of students at their early age on the importance of ethnic unity especially in the context of a multi-ethnic society in Malaysia. However, the process of fostering ethnic unity in Malaysia generally, and at the primary school level in particular, is still faced with various challenges and obstacles. Hence, this paper discusses the barriers to the role of teachers as effective political socialization agents from the aspect of school administration practices in shaping ethnic unity at the primary school level. The data collection process for this study was carried out through focus group discussions method involving 16 Malay, Chinese and Indian teachers from National School (SK), The Chinese National Type School (SJKC) and Tamil (SJKT) in Petaling district, Selangor. The results found that there are three factors of administrative practices that hinder teachers in playing a role as agents of ethnic unity that can affect the process of fostering the values of unity in a school. First, teacher separation system throught double-session schooling system; second, grouping of teachers in teacher's office by subject; and thirdly, the focus more on syllabus than other aspects such as ethnic unity in school. This study found that these three factors contribute to the existence of ethnic gaps among teachers, but also at the same time become an obstacle to the role of teachers as effective agents of ethnic unity in schools. Hence, the school should pay attention to this issue and raise awareness of all school members on the importance of ethnic unity in the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]