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This paper relies on literature review and primary data collected through in-depth interviews with 21 respondents to examine the political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain in Ghana. The historical analysis, which was based on the political settlements framework, has shown that the policies implemented in the cocoa sector went through four periods. The colonial era was characterised by a fairly corporate governance system and struggle between European traders and farmer cooperatives for monopoly over internal marketing of cocoa. This was followed by the early post-independence era (1957–1980), which was characterised by neopatrimonialism and over-taxation of cocoa farmers. The third phase (1980–2000) witnessed economic reforms and liberalisation. The fourth phase (2000 to present) saw increased public–private partnerships aimed at empowering women and promoting environmentally friendly farming activities. The paper concludes that the policies in the cocoa sector have, historically, created more benefits (rents) to political elite and their crony capitalists. Given that rent-seeking behaviour is a threat to the sustainability of the cocoa sector, the paper urges international development partners and civil society groups to demand greater accountability and transparency from the political elite and state institutions in the cocoa sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores politics and political participation from the voices and perspectives of migrant slum dwellers in Agbogbloshie, the most populous migrant slum in Accra. Using in-depth interviews, the paper found that residents' conception of politics is couched in a pejorative sense as they view politics as a "dirty and deceitful game." While most migrants see politics as contested elections in which political elites struggle for power, they participate in politics mainly by voting in periodic elections. The main driver of migrants' political participation is the need to vote for political parties and governments that protect them against forced eviction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic on the existing health inequalities disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations. It explores the impact of COVID-19 pandemic response measures to "curb the spread" on informal sector workers in Ghana. In Ghana, like many other developing countries, the informal sector was impacted by a higher risk of exposure to the COVID-19 infection and the slew of pandemic response measures, for example, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders, as well as guidelines around social distancing implemented by their governments. Given the high level of precarity that undergirds work in the informal sector and the intersectional forces that contribute to and maintain their marginality—class, race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and geographic location—this paper creates a space for dialogue about the unintended consequences of pandemic response measures on the livelihood security of informal sector workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a political ecological analysis of the drivers and impacts of Green Revolution technologies – including improved seeds, chemical fertiliser and other agrochemicals – in the Brong Ahafo Region of Ghana. We identify national government, foreign investment and philanthro-capital as key drivers in shaping both narratives and uptake of Green Revolution technologies at the local level. Drawing from interviews and focus groups, our findings demonstrate that Green Revolution technologies deliver a range of negative local-level socio-ecological impacts, including increasing the overall costs of production, as well as exacerbating poverty and inequality amongst farmers. Our findings demonstrate the disconnection between claims that Green Revolution technologies increase food security and income, and lived experiences of farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efficacy of indigenous knowledge and local participation has been argued to be some of the pathways to curbing the present indigenous community development impasse. Employing an in-depth qualitative research approach, 32 traditional and community development leaders as well as local government officials were interviewed to ascertain local the present community development paradigms and proposed future pathways. Drawing from local insights and a range of scholarly perspectives this paper assessed how meaningful indigenous knowledge systems and indigenous people can actively engage and sustain community-driven development programmes. Utilizing a process analysis, the paper, established that there is a disconnect between indigenous community knowledge systems, values, norms and other cultural realities and contemporary participatory community development approaches. It further illustrates, the absence of local participation in community development and proposed a framework for the integration of indigenous knowledge systems, institutions and other cultural realities in community-based development programmes to ensure development sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on Ghana’s oil industry has focused primarily on its grand contributions to the national economy while its intra-city impact has received less academic attention. Borrowing from Terry Karl’s interpretation of the paradox of plenty, and drawing on empirical evidence from 25 purposefully selected interviewees, the study examines how the oil production off the shores of Sekondi-Takoradi is creating complex processes of accumulation, contradiction, and displacement in a low-income community—New Takoradi. The results point to the accentuation of socio-economic risks in the community following the inflow of oil revenue which is shaping government’s macro-level policies. The paper opines that without attention to place-specific contexts, understanding its socio-economic risks and decadence, and its semblance of strong resilience becomes deceptive. The paper concludes that context and situation are significant for how and to what degree the oil boom matters in the oil city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period from 1992 saw Ghana, under pressure from both internal and external sources, embark on the transition to democratic rule. Despite the strides, an issue that has the potential to undermine Ghana’s liberal democratic credentials has centred on the process of political party financing. The purpose of this paper is to analyse how the existing political party financing system in Ghana is negatively impacting on electoral competition and the country’s democratic process. Drawing on secondary sources, this paper shows that, given that it is political resources that drive party vibrancy and competitiveness, a level playing field in terms of public financing of political parties can help in electoral competition and the promotion of the democratic process in Ghana. However, the importance of transparency and accountability, as well as a legal framework that monitors, denounces, sanctions and punishes abuse in the use of public funds, would be crucial if success is to be attained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quest to bridge the gender disparity in the politics of Ghana has seen little progress owing to the challenges associated with the passage of the Affirmative Action bill by the actors involved. However, the recent emergence and unconventional adoption of 'widow succession' politics in Ghana have sparked some public debates into the viability of the practice in the promotion of women in politics. This paper examined all five identified cases of widow politics in Ghana between 2000 and 2020 (Asutifi South, Shai Osudoku, Ayawaso West Wuogon, Mfantseman and Tempane constituencies) and draws on the widow effect and affirmative action concepts to propose lessons and the possible implication of the practice in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender differences have been recognized in most cultures, but the challenge arises when such differences are misinterpreted as gender inequality, especially to the gross disadvantage of women. One dimension of culture where gender inequality is generally manifested is through language and more specifically the use of proverbs, which are generally believed to host the wisdom of societies. Among some societies, people's actions or inactions are often reflected in the meanings and interpretations of proverbs. This paper examines how proverbs may perpetuate gender inequality and potentially lead males to pronounced risks among the Akan in Ghana. Using a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the study revealed that while some proverbs portray masculine superiority, such construction of masculinity, ironically, tends to subject males to pronounced risks in trying to live up to the expectations of society. Implicitly, these proverbs restrict the socio-cultural space for men to express their socially constructed ordeals. We conclude that the traditional representation of men in proverbs needs to be critically re-examined to holistically deal with gender inequality in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana discovered oil in 2007 and began to produce and export it in commercial quantities in 2011. Following its oil discovery, scholars and experts feared Ghana might fall into the trap of the ‘natural resource curse’, the observed tendency for nations endowed with and heavily dependent upon oil or mineral resources to experience slow economic growth. Accordingly, various policy options to manage the oil revenues in order to avert an oil resource curse have been proposed. This paper uses data from the 2012 Afrobarometer Surveys (Round 5) in Ghana to explore the extent to which institutional trust and perceived corruption influence public preferences for cash transfers from Ghana’s oil revenues. Results from ordered logistic regressions reveal that a unit increase in perceived public corruption increases the odds that a respondent would ask that cash transfers be made to all Ghanaians from the oil revenues by about 1.3%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North American scholarship on gated housing communities posits the desire for security as the main driver for gating, but does this hold true for less wealthy countries? To address this question, this study examines evidence of why people live behind gates in Malaysia and Ghana and investigates the socio-economic implications of gating. It uses a critical institutional framework anchored on Foucault’s interpretation of ‘panopticon’ and Runciman’s theory of relative deprivation, while drawing empirical evidence from surveys and emic experiences. It finds that, while security is an important reason, it is the provision of quality housing services that is reported as the single most important reason for living behind gates. ‘Quality service’ is, however, shorthand for a preference for privileged status. Further, the paper reveals that it is more helpful to see the binary between quality and security as constituting a flexible continuum of motives. Inhabitants of gated housing communities may be primarily motivated by quality service or prestige. Yet, as they set themselves up against the rest of society by enclosing themselves in walls of affluence, they begin to feel a need for greater security. This feeling of insecurity is heightened as people outside the gates feel relatively deprived. Thus, the desire for security becomes illusory and attainment of privilege, pyrrhic, while the harsh socio-economic conditions for a large stratum of the urban population living outside the gates persist and are sometimes worsened. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In June 2012 the government of Ghana added 42 new districts to the country's system of local governance. This paper measures the impact of one new district in terms of private wealth accumulation, access to public services and political engagement. Data analysed comes from a panel survey of residents of the new district capital and two similarly sized villages, one in the new district and one just outside. Proponents of government fragmentation promise personal, public and political gains when government is brought closer to the people. Evidence weighed here suggests that these gains are largely realized by residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the predictors of HIV/AIDS awareness and knowledge among older and younger Ghanaian women of reproductive age. Logistic regression was estimated using the 2014 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey data. Results indicate that older Ghanaian women are significantly different from their younger counterparts in terms of the selected socio-economic and demographic characteristics that influence awareness and knowledge of the epidemic. In all, the respondents' age, region of residence, wealth status, education, marital status and religious affiliation were found to significantly predict knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS among women. In addition, pregnancy status and place of residence proved to be significant correlates of HIV/AIDS awareness among Ghanaian women. The study suggests that higher social status is critical in determining whether women of reproductive age are aware of and knowledgeable about the epidemic. Thus, there is the need for policies and interventions to target messages taking into account the varied socio-economic and demographic backgrounds of women in Ghana. Further, health education interventions should be sensitive to the changing technological landscape in order to develop messages that can be delivered via mobile phones, whether as reminders or ringtones, and therefore enhance health knowledge and promote behaviour that brings about desirable health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a broad review of agrarian change in Ghana by highlighting the major developments in the agrarian political economy and their implications for agricultural commercialisation and its modifying influence on land tenure systems, livelihoods, production systems, social relations, and labour relations. While current land tenure arrangements and labour relations in Africa are often explained in terms of globalisation, we argue that the historical context of agricultural commercialisation in Ghana shows continuities and discontinuities in agrarian relations from the colonial period to the present. We also argue that changes over the years have blended with globalisation to produce the distinct forms of labour relations that we see today. The commercialisation of agriculture in Ghana has evolved progressively from the colonial era aided by policies of coercion, persuasion and incentives to its current globalised form. The expansion in the range of commodities over time necessarily increased the demand for more land and labour. The article contributes to the literature by providing great insights into changes in land and labour relations due to increasing commercialisation, and how these enhanced wealth accumulation for the richer segments of society and global capital to the detriment of the poor throughout Ghana’s agrarian history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores reactions to election results in the Brong Ahafo region of Ghana from the perspectives of the politics of belonging debates – the distinction citizens of the same nation-state make between those who belong and those who belong less in one of Ghana’s highly competitive electoral regions. It argues that multi-party democracy has intensified or given rise to social and political tensions or conflicts in some local communities rather than enhance democratic ideals and peaceful coexistence [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana, like other African countries, suffers a huge infrastructure gap. In recent times China has become a major bilateral source of investment in Ghana’s energy infrastructure. This article examines the strategic importance of Chinese infrastructure investment in Ghana’s energy sector in recent times. The study is based on field research conducted by the author in Ghana and on the analysis of semi-structured interviews with Ghanaian policy makers, journalists, civil society organizations, academics and individuals. Additional data were collected on some key projects China has been sponsoring in the energy sector. The paper suggests that China has become a key partner in Ghana’s development efforts as its provision of infrastructural projects soars and its involvement in Ghana’s economy grows. Yet China’s engagement presents a complex dynamic given its dual role as financier of energy infrastructure and at the same time a competitor or seeker of Ghana’s oil and other natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghanaian women have made, and continue to make, considerable progress on their journey to the upper echelons of the decision-making institutions of the country. However, the overall number of women in decision-making positions, especially in the civil service, is distressingly small. At the end of 2011, for example, of 36 positions available only six were filled by women, as chief directors of a ministry. What is being witnessed in the civil service, then, is what has been described in the academic literature and popular press as the glass ceiling. This paper examines what has been and is being done by government, and what sort of strategies will be necessary to deal with the problem. The questions addressed are what are the strategies; and how effective are they in breaking down the glass ceiling that appears to exist in the civil service and which prevents women from progressing into senior management. What is the way forward – or up – in breaking through the glass ceiling? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections. Prior to this, the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament was negligible. In view of the demographic advantage of the youth and their invaluable contributions to Ghana’s political history, there have been incessant calls for their representation and an eventual return to the days of the 1950s when politics was dominated by the youth. The outcome of the 2012 Parliamentary Elections was therefore hailed as unprecedented and described by many as a giant step towards youth representation in national decision making. However, a survey of all the young parliamentarians and some 4400 young people carefully selected through purposive sampling provides the basis for this paper’s thesis that the growth in the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament does not necessarily guarantee youth representation in national decision making; rather, it promotes tokenism, exclusivity and co-optation of the youth into decision-making structures of state. The study makes practical recommendations to create a relationship between youth in Ghana’s parliament and youth representation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ghana witnessed decent economic growth in the last three decades of implementing neoliberal policy prescriptions. Indeed, this growth promoted it to a low middle income country in 2010. Paradoxically, the wellbeing of most Ghanaians in the subaltern classes has not improved significantly, and they still suffer grinding poverty. How to understand this paradox of growth without development? This paper argues that the failure of Ghana to diversify its economy into industrialization, particularly manufacturing, explains the paradox. With its relatively good politics and open economy, the Ghanaian state should spearhead industrialization, as South Korea and Malaysia did, by supporting selective manufacturing firms with capital, technology, and protective tariffs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There has been a flurry of publications examining Ghana’s decentralization programme since 1988 to date. None has, however, specifically focused on the creation of districts; that is, the political and geographical division of the state into smaller jurisdictions – arguably regarded as one of the key processes of decentralization. In other words, the numerous studies do not fully explain the politics of the creation of districts, which has not only been a recurring phenomenon but also a contentious and sensitive one. This paper aims at filling this lacuna by identifying the actors and discussing their interests, benefits and the tensions arising from the creation of new districts in Ghana. The lessons learnt are also highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the influence of informal banking club participation on family planning practices in rural Ghana. Research from Asia suggests that family planning practices are improved by club participation. This study examines this thesis in an African context, using rural Ghana as a case study. A sample of 204 women (19 years and older) was drawn from Abokobi village, Ghana. Multivariate analyses of direct, mediating and moderating effects of women’s demographic background characteristics, membership status and length, and women’s empowerment status as predictors of family planning practices are assessed. Findings suggest that club membership and membership length is not associated with family planning practices; however, age, education level, number of children and empowerment status are. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent interest in transformational leaders is based on the fact that this type of leadership is change-oriented and focuses on followership development. In Ghana, a long history of failed development strategies and different political leadership styles has left the citizens disappointed in their leaders. This paper argues that Ghana needs transformational leaders who will be able to raise the quality of life of its citizens. Political leaders need to structurally transform the economic base, deal with corruption, and accelerate the pace of empowerment of ordinary Ghanaians through an effective decentralization programme. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Adopting a critical theory framework, this paper is especially concerned with linking the economies, law, and politics and their concomitant mediations interconnections and contradictions. Specifically, the purposes of this paper are to: (a) analyze historically how law has been pliant to the needs of powerful interests or influences by unmasking the disciplinary nature of Ghanian labor laws. The historical origins and transformations of labor relations were not only the deliberate ambiguities of sanctions but also the conflicts waged by the state to secure the respective interests of the privileged; and, (b) specify the conditions under which labor was not free from domination. The conception of the labor-law nexus was based on struggle. The normative foundations that constitute the construction of labor, political, and economic relations contextualizes how social practices reproduce dominant forms of inequality, law, class, and social control. Consistent with critical theory, this paper upholds the significance of historical knowledge for social criticism and political change. Historical analysis enables us to grasp continuities and discontinuities with the past and to develop resources to change. This study demonstrates that law is not shaped by moral consensus but by the relative power of groups who use scarce resources to impose their economic preferences. Both legitimacy and coercion are persuasively achieved through law, economics, culture, and politics the foundations of Ghana's post-colonial developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vulnerability to water insecurity in Ghana has often been characterised as a biophysical phenomenon that can be objectively solved using technical and rational approaches to manage water resources use and allocation – thus, making vulnerability to water security discourse politically neutral. Contesting this orthodoxy, this article shows the multiple mechanisms and structures that undergird vulnerability of households to water insecurity in semiarid Ghana. Vulnerability to water insecurity is often veiled in political and economic imbalances that constrain the choices of people in their daily water realities. We argue that a rigid fixation on the biophysical conceptualisation of water insecurity separates nature from society while simultaneously ignoring the lived insecurities resulting from the contours of power. Policy formulation based on this conceptualisation without addressing the access rights and differentiated vulnerabilities could be misleading while yielding minimal impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small-scale mining in Ghana has been proclaimed as a net contributor to local economies in many scholarly works. Many writeups have lauded the significant contributions these miners have made or are making in terms of poverty alleviation. Quite significantly too, other commentaries have dwelt on the environmental degradation the miners effect on the communities within which they operate. Such activities have led to the destruction of forest areas, the creation of dangerous pits and diversion of rivers. Besides, the incessant use of mercury in the course of mining has also led to serious consequences for their host communities.This article, however, sets out to explore an aspect of small-scale mining operations which is yet to see much scholarly work, perhaps due to its surreptitious manner. It looks at the rituals that permeate the workings of these miners in order to tilt the tides of fortune in their favour and how such determination is leading them to the cauldron of spiritual elements in order to accomplish their objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa’s interaction with China is beginning to be marked tellingly by Chinese architectural inscriptions on the African cityscape which need to be deconstructed. The furore in the African press and academia that greeted the building and handing over by China of the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa makes such an interrogation imperative. This study will attempt to offer some understanding of this nascent phenomenon using the Accra cityscape as an exemplary point of reference. In this regard this work seeks to locate the meaning of fortifications within contemporary global and local discourses on power, architecture, symbols, interests and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is primarily a case study of the use of a management contract for the reform of urban water in Ghana and addresses two main questions: (1) is contractualism suitable for the reform of urban water sector activities in developing countries; (2) under what conditions can contracting actually promote efficiency in the water sector? The findings point to answers for both questions. First, contractualism is a defective tool for reforming the politically sensitive water sector. Second, in order for contractualism to actually promote efficiency, certain fundamental conditions − context, agency task specificity and creative adaptation − must be adequately addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of minor parties has largely focused on well-established democracies, even though these political organizations play significant roles in new and emerging democracies. With Ghana as a case study, this investigation provides a theoretical path to understanding the normative role of minor parties in political competition, especially in developing nations with single-member plurality systems. By placing emphasis on the experiences of such parties in Ghana’s 2012 elections in the Fourth Republican dispensation, this article examines the value and importance of minor parties in helping to create and maintain stable democracies. In spite of the recognizable obstacles minor parties face, we argue that they nevertheless contribute to the health of a burgeoning democratic culture. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines calls for the introduction of partisan politics into the District Assemblies system, which is the core institution in Ghana’s democratic decentralization program. I argue that in spite of constitutional provisions and an enabling legislation on the need for a ‘politically neutral’ District Assemblies system, this has not been the case, ironically partly due to the composition of the membership of the Assemblies as provided for in the 1992 Constitution and the unnecessary interferences by governments. This situation, the article notes, has undermined the effectiveness of the District Assemblies system. The article concludes by recommending certain measures that must be put in place if the situation is to be arrested and ensure the attainment of the goals of the District Assemblies system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Like many ethnic groups in sub-Saharan Africa, the Dagaaba of northwest (now Upper West region) Ghana have regarded, and for the most part, continue to regard the payment of the brideprice as the cornerstone upon which marriage is built – without it a marriage contract is not considered legal. Since the 1980s, however, the significance or essence of the payment has been contested and challenged by many Dagaaba. While some (young men) argue for a reform of the payment, others (young women) argue that the practice should be abolished altogether. Yet a third group (mostly elders) believes that brideprice payment is a “tradition” passed down over generations that should be maintained. This article examines the origins and historical significance of brideprice payments, and how views about these payments have changed over time among the Dagaaba – from those born near the close of the last century, to those of marriageable age now. The goal of this examination is to contribute to the ongoing discussion among African scholars and governments on the importance of maintaining certain aspects of their cultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article the authors conduct focused case studies on Zambia and Ghana to investigate the increasingly diverse popular reactions to Chinese engagement throughout the region of sub-Saharan Africa. In this effort they challenge the existing binary exploitation/opportunity paradigm through which growing Chinese engagement in sub-Saharan Africa is often analyzed. Instead, they propose an alternative framework, which centers less on the positive or nefarious nature of Chinese involvement and more on the institutional structures of African regimes. As opposed to closed autocracies and consolidated multiparty democracies, fluid transitional states create opportunities for the appearance of anti-Chinese populist movements akin to Michael Sata and the Patriotic Front in Zambia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The colonial government attempted to implement the Crown Lands Bill between 1894 and 1897 in Southern Ghana. Among other things, it sought to take control of what was described as ‘waste lands’ and later ‘public lands.’ This article focuses on resistance to these bills in which the Aborigines’ Rights Protect Society (ARPS) played a leading role on behalf of Southern Ghana. This was one of many precedents to the build-up of tension between the people and the colonial establishment. Among other things, the article examines the ramblings within a colonial administration that attempted to push through its policies against a background of resolute resistance. This led to reluctance on the part of some colonial officers to enforce the policy. The argument is that there was an effective collaboration between the Western-educated elite and the people of coastal Southern Gold Coast in the resistance to these bills. They used official letters of protests, newspaper articles, editorials, and demonstrations to express their dislike for the colonial land policy. In addition, they sent delegations to the colonial government in their effort to resist the attempt to take over ‘waste lands’ and later ‘public lands.’ Furthermore, this article argues that the conflict had to do with the different conceptions of land. While the colonial government saw it as part of the economic and political trappings of power, the people of Southern Ghana saw land as a cultural and religious resource that gave them the needed connection with the ancestors in their everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On a sunny day in May 1983 a section of the youth of Mamfe-Akuapem in south-eastern Ghana – reeking heavily of alcohol and marijuana, armed with machetes and pick-axes and angrily singing war songs, drumming and dancing – went to the residence of Nana Ama Ansaa Sasraku III, their queen mother. Their mission was very simple. They were to inform her of their plans to demolish the billboard which welcomed motorists and visitors on their arrival in the town. According to them, the billboard was inhabited by an evil spirit responsible for the general incidence of unemployment and the absence of development in the town. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the effectiveness of Ghana’s democratic decentralization policy since its inception in the 1980s. It argues that, in spite of the lofty goals of the policy, its effectiveness has been undermined by the lack of political commitment on the part of central government and its frequent interferences in the functioning of the district assemblies, which provide the framework for the policy. The article concludes that, so far, the policy is more of a process than of substance and recommends some measures that must be taken in any serious review process. This research was carried out largely through interviews, participant observation, newspaper and article reviews and library research in and outside Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With the increasing consolidation of her democracy, Ghana has, once again, become a cause for celebration and a source of pride in Africa. This newfound status as the bellwether state of African democracy makes Ghana ripe for a critical analysis of her democratic institutions. This article places the handling of parliamentary primaries by the two leading political parties in Ghana – the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP) – under the microscope for closer scrutiny. The article interrogates the nature of these primaries, the procedures that govern their conduct, the factors that determine whether or not they are held, and the extent to which these parliamentary primaries have satisfied or deviated from democratic norms. It concludes that, while tremendous progress has been made in the candidate selection process by both major parties, there is plenty of room for improvement to ensure that the process is sufficiently empowering of voters in the constituencies and, hence, genuinely democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the emergence of the party system and democracy in African countries, for example Ghana, in the period preceding the postcolonial era. This article looks at some of the challenges facing Ghana’s democratic consolidation and party development, and some of the institutional benchmarks required to help to promote effectively an accountable, participatory and democratic party system in the country in order to consolidate further its democracy. The study concludes with the view that regardless of their apparent weaknesses, political parties in Ghana are generally important institutions that grease the wheels of the country’s democratic governance in the post-transition era. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the interconnectedness between labor migration, gender, and the family economy in northwestern Ghana in the 20th century. It focuses specifically on the Dagaaba of the Nadowli and Jirapa administrative districts of what is now the Upper West Region (UWR). It examines how the relationships between men and women in terms of roles, status, access to productive resources and inheritance, changed in tandem with broader changes in society in the 20th century; changes that over time produced enhanced value and elevated status for women in the family. These changes in gender relations are reflected increasingly in the belief among elderly men that ‘now if you have only sons, you are dead’. By focusing on the lived experiences of ordinary women and men in the migration process, it argues that even though indigenous social structures privileged men over women in almost all spheres of life, Dagaaba women were nonetheless significantly active in shaping the history of their communities and that gender relations in Dagaaba communities were not static — they changed over time and generation. This article contributes to the ongoing discussion of the internal migration phenomenon in West Africa, which has so far attracted scant historical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Ghana globalization is transforming society and creating a challenging urban environment for youth: high unemployment, seemingly unstoppable cultural erosion, and a harsh disparity between personal ambition and opportunities for advancement. Structural transformation has relegated youth to the margins of society. This article examines ‘hiplife’, a growing Ghanaian youth musical genre that fuses American hip hop and Ghanaian highlife, as a dynamic intersection of these trends. This article shows that hiplife forms the foundation of a distinct youth counter-public, giving youth a unique platform to project their voice into the public sphere and challenge the exclusion of the dominant adult public. Ultimately, hiplife strengthens the public sphere through the generation of public discourse. Through an examination of the hiplife movement in an economic, political and social context, this article demonstrates both the experience of socio-cultural change and the agency of youth as a force behind socio-cultural change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article aims to provide a brief overview of the gender perspective in the Sector-wide Approaches (SWAp) and its ability to integrate gender equality concerns in education in Ghana. This approach has been strategically adopted by various aid agencies as an effective and efficient tool to ensure mainstreaming gender in different fields. In this article, we will try to analyse some of the ways in which mainstreaming gender has taken place through SWAp in the field of education in Ghana. It analyses the extent to which SWAp as a strategy has been able to mainstream gender in education in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]