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This paper examines the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic on the existing health inequalities disproportionately affecting vulnerable populations. It explores the impact of COVID-19 pandemic response measures to "curb the spread" on informal sector workers in Ghana. In Ghana, like many other developing countries, the informal sector was impacted by a higher risk of exposure to the COVID-19 infection and the slew of pandemic response measures, for example, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders, as well as guidelines around social distancing implemented by their governments. Given the high level of precarity that undergirds work in the informal sector and the intersectional forces that contribute to and maintain their marginality—class, race, ethnicity, gender, religion, and geographic location—this paper creates a space for dialogue about the unintended consequences of pandemic response measures on the livelihood security of informal sector workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper relies on literature review and primary data collected through in-depth interviews with 21 respondents to examine the political economy dynamics of the cocoa value chain in Ghana. The historical analysis, which was based on the political settlements framework, has shown that the policies implemented in the cocoa sector went through four periods. The colonial era was characterised by a fairly corporate governance system and struggle between European traders and farmer cooperatives for monopoly over internal marketing of cocoa. This was followed by the early post-independence era (1957–1980), which was characterised by neopatrimonialism and over-taxation of cocoa farmers. The third phase (1980–2000) witnessed economic reforms and liberalisation. The fourth phase (2000 to present) saw increased public–private partnerships aimed at empowering women and promoting environmentally friendly farming activities. The paper concludes that the policies in the cocoa sector have, historically, created more benefits (rents) to political elite and their crony capitalists. Given that rent-seeking behaviour is a threat to the sustainability of the cocoa sector, the paper urges international development partners and civil society groups to demand greater accountability and transparency from the political elite and state institutions in the cocoa sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender differences have been recognized in most cultures, but the challenge arises when such differences are misinterpreted as gender inequality, especially to the gross disadvantage of women. One dimension of culture where gender inequality is generally manifested is through language and more specifically the use of proverbs, which are generally believed to host the wisdom of societies. Among some societies, people's actions or inactions are often reflected in the meanings and interpretations of proverbs. This paper examines how proverbs may perpetuate gender inequality and potentially lead males to pronounced risks among the Akan in Ghana. Using a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the study revealed that while some proverbs portray masculine superiority, such construction of masculinity, ironically, tends to subject males to pronounced risks in trying to live up to the expectations of society. Implicitly, these proverbs restrict the socio-cultural space for men to express their socially constructed ordeals. We conclude that the traditional representation of men in proverbs needs to be critically re-examined to holistically deal with gender inequality in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quest to bridge the gender disparity in the politics of Ghana has seen little progress owing to the challenges associated with the passage of the Affirmative Action bill by the actors involved. However, the recent emergence and unconventional adoption of 'widow succession' politics in Ghana have sparked some public debates into the viability of the practice in the promotion of women in politics. This paper examined all five identified cases of widow politics in Ghana between 2000 and 2020 (Asutifi South, Shai Osudoku, Ayawaso West Wuogon, Mfantseman and Tempane constituencies) and draws on the widow effect and affirmative action concepts to propose lessons and the possible implication of the practice in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efficacy of indigenous knowledge and local participation has been argued to be some of the pathways to curbing the present indigenous community development impasse. Employing an in-depth qualitative research approach, 32 traditional and community development leaders as well as local government officials were interviewed to ascertain local the present community development paradigms and proposed future pathways. Drawing from local insights and a range of scholarly perspectives this paper assessed how meaningful indigenous knowledge systems and indigenous people can actively engage and sustain community-driven development programmes. Utilizing a process analysis, the paper, established that there is a disconnect between indigenous community knowledge systems, values, norms and other cultural realities and contemporary participatory community development approaches. It further illustrates, the absence of local participation in community development and proposed a framework for the integration of indigenous knowledge systems, institutions and other cultural realities in community-based development programmes to ensure development sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a political ecological analysis of the drivers and impacts of Green Revolution technologies – including improved seeds, chemical fertiliser and other agrochemicals – in the Brong Ahafo Region of Ghana. We identify national government, foreign investment and philanthro-capital as key drivers in shaping both narratives and uptake of Green Revolution technologies at the local level. Drawing from interviews and focus groups, our findings demonstrate that Green Revolution technologies deliver a range of negative local-level socio-ecological impacts, including increasing the overall costs of production, as well as exacerbating poverty and inequality amongst farmers. Our findings demonstrate the disconnection between claims that Green Revolution technologies increase food security and income, and lived experiences of farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on Ghana’s oil industry has focused primarily on its grand contributions to the national economy while its intra-city impact has received less academic attention. Borrowing from Terry Karl’s interpretation of the paradox of plenty, and drawing on empirical evidence from 25 purposefully selected interviewees, the study examines how the oil production off the shores of Sekondi-Takoradi is creating complex processes of accumulation, contradiction, and displacement in a low-income community—New Takoradi. The results point to the accentuation of socio-economic risks in the community following the inflow of oil revenue which is shaping government’s macro-level policies. The paper opines that without attention to place-specific contexts, understanding its socio-economic risks and decadence, and its semblance of strong resilience becomes deceptive. The paper concludes that context and situation are significant for how and to what degree the oil boom matters in the oil city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period from 1992 saw Ghana, under pressure from both internal and external sources, embark on the transition to democratic rule. Despite the strides, an issue that has the potential to undermine Ghana’s liberal democratic credentials has centred on the process of political party financing. The purpose of this paper is to analyse how the existing political party financing system in Ghana is negatively impacting on electoral competition and the country’s democratic process. Drawing on secondary sources, this paper shows that, given that it is political resources that drive party vibrancy and competitiveness, a level playing field in terms of public financing of political parties can help in electoral competition and the promotion of the democratic process in Ghana. However, the importance of transparency and accountability, as well as a legal framework that monitors, denounces, sanctions and punishes abuse in the use of public funds, would be crucial if success is to be attained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2012 the government of Ghana added 42 new districts to the country's system of local governance. This paper measures the impact of one new district in terms of private wealth accumulation, access to public services and political engagement. Data analysed comes from a panel survey of residents of the new district capital and two similarly sized villages, one in the new district and one just outside. Proponents of government fragmentation promise personal, public and political gains when government is brought closer to the people. Evidence weighed here suggests that these gains are largely realized by residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the predictors of HIV/AIDS awareness and knowledge among older and younger Ghanaian women of reproductive age. Logistic regression was estimated using the 2014 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey data. Results indicate that older Ghanaian women are significantly different from their younger counterparts in terms of the selected socio-economic and demographic characteristics that influence awareness and knowledge of the epidemic. In all, the respondents' age, region of residence, wealth status, education, marital status and religious affiliation were found to significantly predict knowledge and awareness of HIV/AIDS among women. In addition, pregnancy status and place of residence proved to be significant correlates of HIV/AIDS awareness among Ghanaian women. The study suggests that higher social status is critical in determining whether women of reproductive age are aware of and knowledgeable about the epidemic. Thus, there is the need for policies and interventions to target messages taking into account the varied socio-economic and demographic backgrounds of women in Ghana. Further, health education interventions should be sensitive to the changing technological landscape in order to develop messages that can be delivered via mobile phones, whether as reminders or ringtones, and therefore enhance health knowledge and promote behaviour that brings about desirable health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana discovered oil in 2007 and began to produce and export it in commercial quantities in 2011. Following its oil discovery, scholars and experts feared Ghana might fall into the trap of the ‘natural resource curse’, the observed tendency for nations endowed with and heavily dependent upon oil or mineral resources to experience slow economic growth. Accordingly, various policy options to manage the oil revenues in order to avert an oil resource curse have been proposed. This paper uses data from the 2012 Afrobarometer Surveys (Round 5) in Ghana to explore the extent to which institutional trust and perceived corruption influence public preferences for cash transfers from Ghana’s oil revenues. Results from ordered logistic regressions reveal that a unit increase in perceived public corruption increases the odds that a respondent would ask that cash transfers be made to all Ghanaians from the oil revenues by about 1.3%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a broad review of agrarian change in Ghana by highlighting the major developments in the agrarian political economy and their implications for agricultural commercialisation and its modifying influence on land tenure systems, livelihoods, production systems, social relations, and labour relations. While current land tenure arrangements and labour relations in Africa are often explained in terms of globalisation, we argue that the historical context of agricultural commercialisation in Ghana shows continuities and discontinuities in agrarian relations from the colonial period to the present. We also argue that changes over the years have blended with globalisation to produce the distinct forms of labour relations that we see today. The commercialisation of agriculture in Ghana has evolved progressively from the colonial era aided by policies of coercion, persuasion and incentives to its current globalised form. The expansion in the range of commodities over time necessarily increased the demand for more land and labour. The article contributes to the literature by providing great insights into changes in land and labour relations due to increasing commercialisation, and how these enhanced wealth accumulation for the richer segments of society and global capital to the detriment of the poor throughout Ghana’s agrarian history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores reactions to election results in the Brong Ahafo region of Ghana from the perspectives of the politics of belonging debates – the distinction citizens of the same nation-state make between those who belong and those who belong less in one of Ghana’s highly competitive electoral regions. It argues that multi-party democracy has intensified or given rise to social and political tensions or conflicts in some local communities rather than enhance democratic ideals and peaceful coexistence [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana, like other African countries, suffers a huge infrastructure gap. In recent times China has become a major bilateral source of investment in Ghana’s energy infrastructure. This article examines the strategic importance of Chinese infrastructure investment in Ghana’s energy sector in recent times. The study is based on field research conducted by the author in Ghana and on the analysis of semi-structured interviews with Ghanaian policy makers, journalists, civil society organizations, academics and individuals. Additional data were collected on some key projects China has been sponsoring in the energy sector. The paper suggests that China has become a key partner in Ghana’s development efforts as its provision of infrastructural projects soars and its involvement in Ghana’s economy grows. Yet China’s engagement presents a complex dynamic given its dual role as financier of energy infrastructure and at the same time a competitor or seeker of Ghana’s oil and other natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghanaian women have made, and continue to make, considerable progress on their journey to the upper echelons of the decision-making institutions of the country. However, the overall number of women in decision-making positions, especially in the civil service, is distressingly small. At the end of 2011, for example, of 36 positions available only six were filled by women, as chief directors of a ministry. What is being witnessed in the civil service, then, is what has been described in the academic literature and popular press as the glass ceiling. This paper examines what has been and is being done by government, and what sort of strategies will be necessary to deal with the problem. The questions addressed are what are the strategies; and how effective are they in breaking down the glass ceiling that appears to exist in the civil service and which prevents women from progressing into senior management. What is the way forward – or up – in breaking through the glass ceiling? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections. Prior to this, the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament was negligible. In view of the demographic advantage of the youth and their invaluable contributions to Ghana’s political history, there have been incessant calls for their representation and an eventual return to the days of the 1950s when politics was dominated by the youth. The outcome of the 2012 Parliamentary Elections was therefore hailed as unprecedented and described by many as a giant step towards youth representation in national decision making. However, a survey of all the young parliamentarians and some 4400 young people carefully selected through purposive sampling provides the basis for this paper’s thesis that the growth in the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament does not necessarily guarantee youth representation in national decision making; rather, it promotes tokenism, exclusivity and co-optation of the youth into decision-making structures of state. The study makes practical recommendations to create a relationship between youth in Ghana’s parliament and youth representation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The North American scholarship on gated housing communities posits the desire for security as the main driver for gating, but does this hold true for less wealthy countries? To address this question, this study examines evidence of why people live behind gates in Malaysia and Ghana and investigates the socio-economic implications of gating. It uses a critical institutional framework anchored on Foucault’s interpretation of ‘panopticon’ and Runciman’s theory of relative deprivation, while drawing empirical evidence from surveys and emic experiences. It finds that, while security is an important reason, it is the provision of quality housing services that is reported as the single most important reason for living behind gates. ‘Quality service’ is, however, shorthand for a preference for privileged status. Further, the paper reveals that it is more helpful to see the binary between quality and security as constituting a flexible continuum of motives. Inhabitants of gated housing communities may be primarily motivated by quality service or prestige. Yet, as they set themselves up against the rest of society by enclosing themselves in walls of affluence, they begin to feel a need for greater security. This feeling of insecurity is heightened as people outside the gates feel relatively deprived. Thus, the desire for security becomes illusory and attainment of privilege, pyrrhic, while the harsh socio-economic conditions for a large stratum of the urban population living outside the gates persist and are sometimes worsened. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]