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This paper looks at India's Central Asian strategy and the new geopolitical possibilities that have arisen since the Modi regime took over India. The paper draws on the existing literature to analyze the factors like regional geopolitics, economic interests, cultural linkages, and security concerns that have influenced India's policy towards Central Asia. Trade and investment, people-to-people ties, and strategic collaborations are highlighted as increasingly important to India's involvement with the republics of Central Asia. The paper concludes by assessing the prospects for a stronger and more successful Indian involvement in Central Asia and outlining the many obstacles that must be overcome to bring about such an engagement. The article's purpose is to fill in some of the gaps in the current literature on India's Central Asian strategy by providing a more thorough appraisal of the policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's balancing against China has both continental and maritime dimensions. India first approached China's challenge from the continental sphere by forgoing its military alliance with the former Soviet Union. This policy allowed New Delhi to exercise a degree of military dominance over South Asia. However, the sudden demise of the Soviet Union and the concurrent rise of China forced India to redefine its balancing strategy. The paper offers a realist explanation of India's foreign policy. It argues that India's strategic shift from the continental domain to the Indo-Pacific region was a departure from the classical realism of Kautilya to a neoclassical realism understanding of dealing with China's rise. The paper concluded that the two domains of India's foreign policy are interlinked. The developments in the Eurasia region have shaped New Delhi's military and strategic cooperation with the US and Quad-level cooperation with the US, Japan, and Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Central Asia have civilizational linkages which have been considered to be two great centres of oriental civilization connected through the silk route since medieval times. India reframes her foreign policy concerning dealing with the new Central Asian Republics of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmen Uzbekistan, notably after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. In the 21st century, the sociocultural ties were further strengthened by signing several agreements and high-level visits from both sides. Our relations with the region are based on robust political, economic, Socio-cultural, and technical partnerships. India's soft power is playing a significant role in strengthening bilateral relations. In the Central Asian region, there is an enormous interest in Bollywood films, Indian classical dance, music, literature, Yoga, and other forms of culture. India usually arranges cultural events in these countries and also encourages exchanges of academics, scholars, youth delegations, and civil society to get the core knowledge of each other's cultures. Scholarships for study in India by young men and women from these countries are also provided. The Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) is a valuable programme through which young professionals in these countries endure training and personality development. This scheme allowed the youth of these countries to contribute not only to India's economic progress but also to its civilization and heritage. ITEC has particularly contributed to social and economic development for these countries, which forms part of its objective of India to strengthen the diplomatic and socio-cultural ties with the Central Asian countries. The natural cover-up of the whole Central Asian states attracts thousands of tourists from across the world every year. Indians visit these states for tourism as well as for cheap medical education. However, these visits have been marred due to the ongoing pandemic globally. This is true that the mobility of Indians to the central Asian states is scanty, but many emerging realities are reshaping India's existing cultural relationship with them. The main aim of this paper is to highlight the emerging socio-culture relations between India and Central Asia countries. How economic and trade relations would be strengthened has also been discussed in this study. To make India's relationship stronger with the region, exchanges of visits from both sides have been given special attention in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zaheer-ud- din Muhammad Babur (1493-1530) the first Mughal who invaded India in 1526 A.D and laid down the foundation of the Mughal Empire in India. Babur was pushed down towards India by the enemies of his hometown in Central Asia. Babur had no future in his land, so he searched for another land as his Kingdom. Babur remained nostalgic about Central Asia during all his years spent in India. He was central Asian by heart and followed all norms, and traditions of Central Asia either in his political life or in his personal life. This paper attempts to highlight first his autobiography as the main source of Babur's history and then the Central Asian legacy of Babur which he particularly mentioned in his diary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has adopted a pro-active Afghan policy since the fall of Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The country has extended her financial assistance covering economic, social, political and even cultural development of this war-torn nation. US-decision of ISAF-withdrawal has necessitated the resolve to strengthen Afghan security forces. India has extended her support to train and equip the ANSF to deal with Taliban resurgence and other security related aspects. However, there are some interpretations, especially constructed by Pakistan think tanks regarding the suspicious role of India in Afghanistan. These interpretations manifest India's presence in Afghanistan as a strategic design to encircle and destabilize Pakistan. Since the USNATO exit strategy, China too has become pro-active in relation to Afghan issue. Besides her economic considerations, the country has mainly the security concerns with increasing violence and instability of Afghanistan. There is also ambiguity regarding China's dual stand regarding terrorism and Taliban. It is in light of these issues that the paper focuses India's Afghan policy in changing circumstances. Besides analyzing Pak perspective and counter-responses regarding India's Afghan policy, an attempt has been made to underscore China as a factor for India in Afghanistan. The paper also highlights the common concerns of India and China in Afghanistan with the potential to push these nations for a joint workable strategy to deal post-ISAF situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Asian Republics (hereafter CARs) are strategically important to India as an important energy supplier. To quote Prime Minister Manmohan Singh: "energy security is second only in our scheme of things to food security with energy increasingly being viewed as a vital component of what is now broadly defined as national security."1 Therefore, developing friendship with CARs is a must to diversify energy import partners and minimise dependence on the volatile Middle Eastern region, keeping in view India's growing oil demand from the current levels of 72 per cent to 83 per cent by 2030; hence, the anxiety to reconceptualise its strategic perspective.² What can be a more viable destination for India than Central Asia -a home to an estimated 4 per cent (270-360 trillion cubic feet) of the world's gas reserves³ and the oil reserves pegged at 2.7 per cent (13-15 billion barrels).4 The present paper seeks to reconceptualise the changing dynamics of India-Central Asia relations and emphasise on India's current position in Central Asian energy sector. Since the scope of the present paper is limited to energy factor, it would, as such, reconceptualise the changing dynamics of India-Central Asia relations from the view point of India's energy security. It would also examine as to what extend CARs can meet India's growing energy demand? The paper also offers several suggestions regarding India's policy options to ensure energy security in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Afghanistan is strategically crucial for India, a strong and vibrant economic relationship with Afghanistan is, therefore, of critical value and relevance for India. In view of India's relations with its close neighbour Pakistan, Afghanistan attaches further significance for India. Close and stable relations with Afghanistan are possible through sustained and growing trade and investment relations. Afghanistan is blessed with enormous resources and because of its geographical position will become an energy corridor (for TAPI gas pipeline) in the future that would be of considerable importance to India. As a growing and large economy, India needs more energy resources to sustain her high economic growth. In the prevailing scenario, India as the largest and important nation of South Asia, occupying a major expanse of territory with extensive resources and potential, require and sought to increase its commerce and friendship ties with Afghanistan. As a war torn economy, Afghanistan wanted India to establish extensive cooperation in energy, education, agriculture, infrastructure, security, banking, trade and commerce. Besides, Afghanistan is a bridge connecting South Asia with Central Asia, Middle East and beyond. More importantly, the paper has highlighted the bilateral trade potential and modest attempt has made towards in depicting Afghanistan as potential and important country for India in terms of geo-strategic, geo-political and geo-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has been making efforts to engage with Central Asia. This is driven by two primary motivations: First, India is eager to diversify its energy supplies as it has recognized that its economic progress is linked with Central Asian hydrocarbon resources; and second, India wants to contain the growth of radical Islamist forces which pose greatest threat to India's security. The strategic location of Central Asia makes it vulnerable to geopolitical manoeuvring involving the United States, Russia, China, Pakistan, and India, with conflicting and contrasting objectives. The Afghan Taliban's resurgence coupled with weakness of the Afghan government has also created fresh uncertainties, while the ISIS continues to demonstrate its growing power. The triangular relationship among India, Iran and Afghanistan, particularly involving the Chabahar port, has crucial implications for India's aims in Central Asia. The paper explores the interests that motivate India's recent efforts to step up its engagement with Central Asian countries, how the India-Afghanistan-Iran triangular relationship is aimed at serving those interests, and the attitude of other important regional players. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neo-liberalism as an international perspective has focused on the concept of complex interdependence among the nation-states to enhance cooperation and ensure peace. Accepting the nation-state centrality, the neo-liberals have concentrated on the international regimes, agreements and norms to enhance cooperation among the actors of international system. With liberalization and privatization as the basic trends of globalization, foreign investments are dominating the global discourse. Thus, investments in foreign nations for building network and communication infrastructure have been accepted as a shifting trend from the tradition of power politics. Thus, any bilateral relation in contemporary world is mainly influenced by the neo-liberal doctrine that has build complex structures to exaggerate interdependence among the nation-state actors. The focus of this paper, thus, is to examine the Indo-Iran relations in different eras and to indentify the possibilities for further strengthening ties and scope for improved regional cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than five decades ago, banking and finance based on the principles of Islamic Commercial Law (fiqh al-mu'amalat) was just a wishful thinking. However, since it's commencement in early 1960s, Islamic finance industry remained at constant momentum in and outside the Muslim world. Making space among the leading financial service providers like Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation(HSBC, London), Deutsche Bank (DB, Germany), Bank National Paris (BNP, France), Citi Group (U.S), Union Bank of Switzerland(USB, Switzerland), Merrill Lynch and Barclay's (UK), etc., the 'nascent' industry has now become a practical reality. As such, the developing Asian economies like India and Kazakhstan -(countries under study)- being home to large Muslim populations, are expected to offer a promising growth market to Islamic finance industry. The overview of socioeconomic factors like demography, religious participation, behavioral finance and demand for a robust financial structure after experiencing the worst consequences of global financial crisis, have led experts to expect a 'perception shift' in customer choice in general and Muslim customers in particular. Regardless of India being home to 177 million Muslims, and Kazakhstan, a Muslim majority state (70.2%), much has not been done to materialize the concept of Islamic banking and finance on practical grounds. The major impediment in the development of shari'ah compliant banking in both the countries is generally and genuinely ascribed to their respective secular constitutions. Although, felt heavy with customer interest, the government of Kazakhstan reformed the banking constitution in 2009, just to become the first country to facilitate the development of Islamic finance in the Common Wealth of Independent States (CIS). Currently, Kazakhstan has one full-fledged Islamic bank- Al Hilal Bank (established 2010), which offers both corporate and retail services. By now she has also the (Islamic) legal framework for sukuk (securities), takaful (insurance), and ijarah (leasing). Being the largest democracy of the world, the government of Indiais yet to introduce such type of constitutional change. However, one of her states in the South - Kerala State was the first to allow the Kerala State Industrial Development Corporation (KSIDC) to offer shari'ah compliant financial services to the Muslim community. It is with this background that the present paper will attempt to examine the feasibility and challenges of Islamic finance industry from Indian and Kazakhstan perspective by applying SWOT analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Silk Road concept proposes to align the contours of the policy of United States with emerging continental corridors. The contemplated road passes through Afghanistan and Central Asia, and underscores development as the key to a positive long-term outcome of its policies in the region. It brings new option and approach for regional strategy alongwith the possibility of inducting soft power approach while leading the move. As new approach to political chemistry in the region, the New Silk Road initiative stresses the need for non-military cooperation with emphasis on building and developing transregional trade blocks. The strategy will diversify trade routes in one of the least connected parts of world, namely, Central Asia. For this purpose, Afghanistan will be the epicenter in connecting South Asia with Central Asia and then to Europe. This paper is an attempt to bring to light some of the merits likely to accrue from the new vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategic location of Afghanistan at crossroads of Central Asia and South Asia is itself defining the importance of Afghan factor in India-Central Asia relations. Afghanistan, one time a buffer state between British India and Soviet Union, has shaped the post-9/11 India foreign policy to stabilize Afghanistan through Low Politics Approach (LPA) for regional integration and stability. India's growing interest in CARs through the embedded policy of economic, energy and strategic synergy benefitting both, has further enhanced the Afghan factor in relation between the two for common interests and concerns in the region. The focus of this paper is to understand the common concerns both India and Central Asia have on Afghanistan as well as importance of Afghan peace for the regional stability. The argument is further elaborated to explain India's policy towards Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the collapse of Soviet Union, the Mongolian government besides introducing democracy attempted to re-introduce the traditions and customs that existed there before the Socialism. In 1990, Mongolia proclaimed its new constitution where it stated the basic human rights including freedom of religion. Shamanism and Buddhism are back in every family; likewise construction of both yellow and red sect of lama monasteries are in full swing, Muslim Kazakhs have full freedom of worship, and many Christian churches are operating in different parts of Mongolia. Both young and old visit religious places and feel pride in their traditions. One finds in every corner near the monasteries fortune teller lamas predicting the future of the people who stay in queue for long to know about their coming years. Chingiz Khan is now the hero and founder of the Mongol Ulus. Old script is back in schools. The paper will throw light on the customs and traditions of Mongols. How Mongols have retained past traditions and what is happening with this revival of customs and tradition and its affect on the society on the whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]