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Both language and music consist of sequences that are structured according to syntactic regularities. We used two specific event-related brain potential (ERP) components to investigate music-syntactic processing in children: the ERAN (early right anterior negativity) and the N5. The neural resources underlying these processes have been posited to overlap with those involved in the processing of linguistic syntax. Thus, we expected children with specific language impairment (SLI, which is characterized by deficient processing of linguistic syntax) to demonstrate difficulties with music-syntactic processing. Such difficulties were indeed observed in the neural correlates of music-syntactic processing: neither an ERAN nor an N5 was elicited in children with SLI, whereas both components were evoked in age-matched control children with typical language development. Moreover, the amplitudes of ERAN and N5 were correlated with subtests of a language development test. These data provide evidence for a strong interrelation between the language and the music processing system, thereby setting the ground for possible effects of musical training in SLI therapy.

Humans can derive sequential dependencies from unfamiliar artificial speech within several of minutes of exposure. However, there is an ongoing debate about the nature of the underlying learning processes. In a widely discussed study Peña et al. [Peña, M., Bonatti, L. L., Nespor, M., & Mehler, J. Signal-driven computations in speech processing. Science, 298, 604–607, 2002] argued for the importance of subtle acoustic cues in the signal, such as pauses, in order to switch between two computational mechanisms, which are conceptualized as rule-based versus statistical. The present study was aimed to approach this problem by recording event-related potentials in response to correct and incorrect phrases consisting of bisyllabics after short exposure to either rule-based or random artificial speech streams. Rule-based streams contained dependencies of the form AXC, whereby A elements reliably predicted the C elements and X elements were variable. Participants were exposed to four input and test phases. Two of the input streams were rule-based and contained either only probabilistic information related to the distribution of the AXC stimuli or an additional acoustic cue indicating the boundaries of relevant units. The other two streams were random variations of the rule-based streams. During the test phase in the condition with pause cues, an early negativity and a later positivity emerged for correct and incorrect items in comparison to their acoustically identical counterparts, which were presented after the random control condition. In the noncued condition, only negativities were seen. The timing and the scalp distribution of the negativities were different for correct and incorrect sequences in both the cued and the noncued conditions. The results are interpreted in support of a view of grammatical learning in which both distributional and acoustic cues may contribute to different aspects of syntactic learning.

The functional neuroanatomy of language in the adult brain separates semantic and syntactic processes in the superior temporal gyrus (STG) and in the inferior frontal cortex. It is unknown whether a similar specialization is present in the developing brain. Semantic and syntactic aspects of sentence processing were investigated in 5- to 6-year-old children and in adults using functional magnetic resonance imaging. Although adults demonstrated function-specific activations in the STG and the frontal operculum, children showed a large activation overlap for these two language aspects in the STG. Compared to adults, they engaged additional areas in the left and right inferior frontal gyrus, which are known to support resource demanding processes. Thus, the language networks for semantic and syntactic processes are not yet specialized similarly to adults in the developing brain.

The interaction between language and action systems has become an increasingly interesting topic of discussion in cognitive neuroscience. Several recent studies have shown that processing of action verbs elicits activation in the cerebral motor system in a somatotopic manner. The current study extends these findings to show that the brain responses for processing of verbs with specific motor meanings differ not only from that of other motor verbs, but, crucially, that the comprehension of verbs with motor meanings (i.e., greifen, to grasp) differs fundamentally from the processing of verbs with abstract meanings (i.e., denken, to think). Second, the current study investigated the neural correlates of processing morphologically complex verbs with abstract meanings built on stems with motor versus abstract meanings (i.e., begreifen, to comprehend vs. bedenken, to consider). Although residual effects of motor stem meaning might have been expected, we see no evidence for this in our data. Processing of morphologically complex verbs built on motor stems showed no differences in involvement of the motor system when compared with processing complex verbs with abstract stems. Complex verbs built on motor stems did show increased activation compared with complex verbs built on abstract stems in the right posterior temporal cortex. This result is discussed in light of the involvement of the right temporal cortex in comprehension of metaphoric or figurative language.

Complex human behavior is hierarchically organized. Whether or not syntax plays a role in this organization is currently under debate. The present ERP study uses piano performance to isolate syntactic operations in action planning and to demonstrate their priority over nonsyntactic levels of movement selection. Expert pianists were asked to execute chord progressions on a mute keyboard by copying the posture of a performing model hand shown in sequences of photos. We manipulated the final chord of each sequence in terms of Syntax (congruent/incongruent keys) and Manner (conventional/unconventional fingering), as well as the strength of its predictability by varying the length of the Context (five-chord/two-chord progressions). The production of syntactically incongruent compared to congruent chords showed a response delay that was larger in the long compared to the short context. This behavioral effect was accompanied by a centroparietal negativity in the long but not in the short context, suggesting that a syntax-based motor plan was prepared ahead. Conversely, the execution of the unconventional manner was not delayed as a function of Context and elicited an opposite electrophysiological pattern (a posterior positivity). The current data support the hypothesis that motor plans operate at the level of musical syntax and are incrementally translated to lower levels of movement selection.

One main incentive for supplying hearing impaired children with a cochlear implant is the prospect of oral language acquisition. Only scarce knowledge exists, however, of what congenitally deaf children actually perceive when receiving their first auditory input, and specifically what speech-relevant features they are able to extract from the new modality. We therefore presented congenitally deaf infants and young children implanted before the age of 4 years with an oddball paradigm of long and short vowel variants of the syllable /ba/. We measured the EEG in regular intervals to study their discriminative ability starting with the first activation of the implant up to 8 months later. We were thus able to time-track the emerging ability to differentiate one of the most basic linguistic features that bears semantic differentiation and helps in word segmentation, namely, vowel length. Results show that already 2 months after the first auditory input, but not directly after implant activation, these early implanted children differentiate between long and short syllables. Surprisingly, after only 4 months of hearing experience, the ERPs have reached the same properties as those of the normal hearing control group, demonstrating the plasticity of the brain with respect to the new modality. We thus show that a simple but linguistically highly relevant feature such as vowel length reaches age-appropriate electrophysiological levels as fast as 4 months after the first acoustic stimulation, providing an important basis for further language acquisition.

Neuropsychological research investigating mental grammar and lexicon has largely been based on the processing of regular and irregular inflection. Past tense inflection of regular verbs is assumed to be generated by a syntactic rule (e.g., show-ed), whereas irregular verbs consist of rather unsystematic alternations (e.g., caught) represented as lexical entries. Recent morphological accounts, however, hold that irregular inflection is not entirely rule-free but relies on morphological principles. These subregularities are computed by the syntactic system. We tested this latter hypothesis by examining alternations of irregular German verbs as well as pseudowords using ERPs. Participants read series of irregular verb inflection including present tense, past participle, and past tense forms embedded in minimal syntactic contexts. The critical past tense form was correct (e.g., er sang [he sang]) or incorrect by being either partially consistent (e.g., *er sung [*he sung]) or inconsistent (e.g., *er sing [*he sing]) with the proposed morphological principles. Correspondingly, in a second experimental block, pseudowords (e.g., tang/*tung/*ting) were presented. ERPs for real words revealed a biphasic ERP pattern consisting of a negativity and P600 for both incorrect forms in comparison to the correct equivalents. Most interestingly, the P600 amplitude for the incorrect forms was gradually modulated by the type of anomaly with medium amplitude for consistent past tense forms and largest amplitude for inconsistent past tense forms. ERPs for pseudoword past tense forms showed a similar gradual modulation of N400. The findings support the assumption that irregular verbs are processed by rule-based mechanisms because of subregularities of their past tense inflection.

A neural correlate for phrase boundary perception in music has recently been identified in musicians. It is called music closure positive shift (“music CPS”) and has an equivalent in the perception of speech (“language CPS”). The aim of the present study was to investigate the influence of musical expertise and different phrase boundary markers on the music CPS, using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) and event-related magnetic fields (ERFs). Musicians and nonmusicians were tested while listening to binary phrased melodies. ERPs and ERFs of both subject groups differed considerably from each other. Phrased melody versions evoked an electric CPS and a magnetic CPSm in musicians, but an early negativity and a less pronounced CPSm in nonmusicians, suggesting different perceptual strategies for both subject groups. Musicians seem to process musical phrases in a structured manner similar to language. Nonmusicians, in contrast, are thought to detect primarily discontinuity in the melodic input. Variations of acoustic cues in the vicinity of the phrase boundary reveal that the CPS is influenced by a number of parameters that are considered to indicate phrasing in melodies: pause length, length of the last tone preceding the pause, and harmonic function of this last tone. This is taken as evidence that the CPS mainly reflects higher cognitive processing of phrasing, rather than mere perception of pauses. Furthermore, results suggest that the ERP and MEG methods are sensitive to different aspects within phrase perception. For both subject groups, qualitatively different ERP components (CPS and early negativity) seem to reflect a top-down activation of general but different phrasing schemata, whereas quantitatively differing MEG signals appear to reflect gradual differences in the bottom-up processing of acoustic boundary markers.

During their first year of life, infants not only acquire probabilistic knowledge about the phonetic, prosodic, and phonotactic organization of their native language, but also begin to establish first lexical-semantic representations. The present study investigated the sensitivity to phonotactic regularities and its impact on semantic processing in 1-year-olds. We applied the method of event-related brain potentials to 12-and 19-month-old children and to an adult control group. While looking at pictures of known objects, subjects listened to spoken nonsense words that were phonotactically legal (pseudowords) or had phonotactically illegal word onsets (nonwords), or to real words that were either congruous or incongruous to the picture contents. In 19-month-olds and in adults, incongruous words and pseudowords, but not non-words, elicited an N400 known to reflect mechanisms of semantic integration. For congruous words, the N400 was attenuated by semantic priming. In contrast, 12-month-olds did not show an N400 difference, neither between pseudo-and nonwords nor between incongruous and congruous words. Both 1-year-old groups and adults additionally displayed a lexical priming effect for congruous words, that is, a negativity starting around 100 msec after words onset. One-year-olds, moreover, displayed a phonotactic familiarity effect, that is, a widely distributed negativity starting around 250 msec in 19-month-olds but occurring later in 12-month-olds. The results imply that both lexical priming and phonotactic familiarity already affect the processing of acoustic stimuli in children at 12 months of age. In 19-month-olds, adult-like mechanisms of semantic integration are present in response to phonotactically legal, but not to phonotactically illegal, nonsense words, indicating that children at this age treat pseudo-words, but not nonwords, as potential word candidates.

Event-related brain potential (ERP) studies of sentence processing in adults have shown that phrase-structure violations are associated with two ERP components: an early left anterior negativity (ELAN) and a late, centro-parietal positivity (P600). Although the ELAN reflects highly automatic first-pass sentence parsing, the P600 has been interpreted to reflect later, more controlled processes. The present ERP study investigates the processing of phrase-structure violations in children below three years of age. Both children (mean age of 2.8 years) and adults passively listened to short active sentences that were either correct or syntactically incorrect. Adults displayed an ELAN that was followed by a P600 to the syntactic violation. Children also demonstrated a biphasic ERP pattern consisting of an early left hemispheric negativity and a late positivity. Both components, however, started later and persisted longer than those observed in adults. The left lateralization of the children's negativity suggests that this component can be interpreted as a child-specific precursor to the ELAN observed in adults. The appearance of the early negativity indicates that the neural mechanisms of syntactic parsing are present, in principle, during early language development.

To understand mechanisms of early language acquisition, it is important to know whether the child's brain acts in an adult-like manner when processing words in meaningful contexts. The N400, a negative component in the event-related potential (ERP) of adults, is a sensitive index of semantic processing reflecting neural mechanisms of semantic integration into context. In the present study, we investigated whether the mechanisms indexed by the N400 are already working during early language acquisition. While 19-month-olds were looking at sequentially presented pictures, they were acoustically presented with words that were either congruous or incongruous to the picture content. The ERP averaged across the group of 55 children revealed an N400-like semantic incongruity effect in addition to an early phonological–lexical priming effect. The results suggest that both lexical expectations facilitating early phonological processing and mechanisms of semantic priming facilitating integration into semantic context are already present in 19-month-olds. The child's specific comprehension abilities are reflected in strength, latency, and hemispheric differences of the semantic incongruity effect. Spatio-temporal differences in that effect, thus, indicate changes in the organization of brain activity correlated with the child's behavioral development.

This series of three event-related potential experiments explored the issue of whether the underlying mechanism of working memory (WM) supporting language processing is inhibitory or activational in nature. These different cognitive mechanisms have been proposed to explain the more efficient processing of subjects with a high WM span compared to those with a low WM span. Participants with high and low WM span were presented with sentences containing a homonym followed three words later by a nominal disambiguation cue and a final disambiguation using a verb. At the position of the disambiguation cue, inhibitory or activational WM mechanisms predict contrasting results. When activation is the underlying mechanism for efficient processing, the prediction is that high memory span persons activate both meanings of the homonym equally in WM, whereas low memory span persons only have one meaning present. When inhibition is the underlying mechanism, the predictions are the reverse. The ERP data, in particular, the variations of the meaning related N400 component, showed clear evidence for inhibition as the underlying cognitive mechanism in high-span readers. For low-span participants the cueing towards the dominant or the subordinate meaning elicited an equivalently large N400 component suggesting that both meanings are active in WM. In highspan subjects, the dominant disambiguation cue elicited a smaller N400 than the subordinate one, indicating that for these subjects particularly the dominant meaning is active. The experiments showed that inhibitory processes are probably underlying WM used during language comprehension in high-span subjects. Moreover, they demonstrate that these subjects can use their inhibition in a more flexible manner than low-span subjects. The effects that these processing differences have on the efficiency of language parsing are discussed.

Contains fulltext : 62733-OA.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) We present a new technique for studying the activation of semantic and phonological codes in speech planning using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) that extend a well-established behavioral procedure from speech production research. It combines a delayed picture-naming task with a priming procedure. While participants prepared the production of a depicted object's name, they heard an auditory target word. If the prepared picture name and the target word were semantically or phonologically related, the ERP waveform to the target word tended less towards the negative when compared to an unrelated control. These effects were widely distributed. By contrast, if participants performed a nonlinguistic task on the depicted object (natural size judgment), the semantic effect was still obtained while the phonological effect disappeared. This suggests that the former effect indexes semantic activation involved in object processing while the latter effect indexes word-form activation specific to lexical processing. The data are discussed in the context of models of lexical access in speech production.

The objective of the present study was to delineate brain-electrical correlates of semantic and syntactic integration processes during language comprehension. Twenty-eight subjects were engaged in a lexical decision task. The target item (a legal word or a pseudo word) was always preceded by a prime consisting of a sentence fragment that provided a particular context. With respect to the prime a word target could be either a correct completion, a violation of a semantic selection restriction, or a violation of a syntactic subcategorization rule. An N400-like wave was elicited by both types of deviations. Syntactic anomalies evoked a negative shift predominantly over the anterior scalp with a preponderance over the left hemisphere, while semantic anomalies were accompanied by a much more widespread negativity with the maximum over posterior temporal areas. The amplitude of the semantic vie lation effect was found to be related to the strength of the priming constraints. The topographic difference is consistent with the idea that syntactic and semantic aspects of comprehension are handled by different neural subsystems.

Learning takes place throughout lifetime but differs in infants and adults because of the development of the PFC, a brain region responsible for cognitive control. To test this hypothesis, adults were investigated in a language learning paradigm under inhibitory, cathodal transcranial direct current stimulation over PFC. The experiment included a learning session interspersed with test phases and a test-only session. The stimulus material required the learning of grammatical dependencies between two elements in a novel language. In a parallel design, cathodal transcranial direct current stimulation over the left PFC, right PFC, or sham stimulation was applied during the learning session but not during the test-only session. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded during both sessions. Whereas no ERP learning effects were observed during the learning session, different ERP learning effects as a function of prior stimulation type were found during the test-only session, although behavioral learning success was equal across conditions. With sham stimulation, the ERP learning effect was reflected in a centro-parietal N400-like negativity indicating lexical processes. Inhibitory stimulation over the left PFC, but not over the right PFC, led to a late positivity similar to that previously observed in prelinguistic infants indicating associative learning. The present data demonstrate that adults can learn with and without cognitive control using different learning mechanisms. In the presence of cognitive control, adult language learning is lexically guided, whereas it appears to be associative in nature when PFC control is downregulated.

Although the neurocognitive processes underlying the comprehension of figurative language, especially metaphors and idioms, have been studied extensively, less is known about the processing of irony. In two experiments using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we examined the types of cognitive processes involved in the comprehension of ironic and literal sentences and their relative time course. The experiments varied in modality (auditory, visual), task demands (comprehension task vs. passive reading), and probability of stimulus occurrence. ERPs consistently revealed a large late positivity (i.e., P600 component) in the absence of an N400 component for irony compared to equivalent literal sentences independent of modality. This P600 was shown to be unaffected by the factors task demands and probability of occurrence. Taken together, the findings suggest that the observed P600 is related to irony processing, and might be a reflection of pragmatic interpretation processes. During the comprehension of irony, no semantic integration difficulty arises (absence of N400), but late inferential processes appear to be necessary for understanding ironic meanings (presence of P600). This finding calls for a revision of current models of figurative language processing.