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WHITE, Terry, ed., THE SIBLING SOCIETY: Papers Presented at the Robert Bly Colloquium. Lanham. MD: University Press of America. 2000, 216pp., $36.00 hardcover.Nearly a decade ago poet Robert Ely's The Sibling Society (1996) offered a critique of contemporary adulthood informed by a somewhat idiosyncratic reading of recent social history and a thoughtful critique of society's social ills. Similar critiques have been made by others but few with the depth and bite of Bly's writing. The sixteen essays presented in The Sibling Society: Papers Presented at the Robert Bly Colloquium, each nicely written, interesting and well researched, reflect the reasons his thesis remains compelling.In The Sibling Society (1996) Bly argued that adults of the late post-war generation had come to be ruled by consumerism, professional and personal self interest, and narcissism. Nor had the rest of their emotional development faired well. The end result was that emotionally stunted or "half-grown adults", intent on their own agendas, were incapable of fulfilling their parental, nurturing, and leadership obligations, to the next generation. Whether in Toronto, Vancouver, or New York, this generation was not inclined to look up to past generations for leadership, guidance, and tradition, nor would they look down to the next generation seeking direction, encouragement, and approval. To Bly, this is a generation dominated by horizontal rather than vertical thinkers, concerned most about themselves. They have left a leadership and parenting vacuum in North American culture, Bly would argue.Papers Presented at the Robert Bly Colloquium is divided into four sections, each reflecting a different perspective on Bly's thesis. The first four essays examine Sibling Society itself, important for those less familiar with Bly's work. We are asked to consider whether Sibling Society is fully capable of transmitting culture across generations, whether parents casting themselves as friends and confidants can take the place of authoritative parents, and whether the adultification of the young through relentless media programming, negative and contemptuous of adults and parents, encourages the young to aspire to adult roles. A forth essay points to the growing numbers of impoverished and developmentally challenged children as an indication of the profound ambivalence of adults toward children. The three remaining sections address the psychological impact, the self, and metaphors and myths, of Sibling Society. These essays indicate the richness of Bly's ideas, both in exemplifying North America's cultural ills, as well as in offering readers ways to positively address troubling issues.If Bly's original thesis is in some respects flawed, he has gone well beyond William F. Ogburn's (1986-1959) decline of the family thesis, first presented in 1933.* Ogburn's still influential view was that modernity, technology, and urbanization, left the family increasingly bereft of its cohesive functions. …

A large body of work on consensual unions suggests a unitary household conception of consensual unions either as a precursor or an alternative to marriage. Another set of literature, though quite scanty, reveals gender differences in experiences in consensual unions. This paper adds to the argument that attitudes towards intimate relationships and marriage can be gendered. As a result, one partner may hope for the conversion of a consensual union to marriage whilst the other would not. The paper interrogates the ways in which the socio-cultural context of Ghana influences the gendered attitudes towards consensual unions as a form of intimate partnership and creates a sense of ‘commitment phobia’ particularly for men. To do this, thirty-one people with varying ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds were purposively sampled. In-depth interviews were conducted separately for the individual partners. The paper concludes that contrary to the unitary household conception of consensual unions, there is a gendered conceptualisation of these unions where women are more likely to think of consensual unions as a precursor to marriage while men think of it as an alternative to marriage.

COVID-19 is transforming how families and societies respond to this public health crisis. This global public health issue has both short and long term ramifications for how people work, go to school, care for families, and communicate. This paper provides a portrait of the changes and effects brought upon by the pandemic and government appeals for “self-restraint” (as opposed to lockdown policies in other countries). In addition, the experiences of Japanese families from the perspective of university students, looking at several aspects such as work, schooling, and relationships. The observations suggest that there are notable impacts upon the Japanese family brought upon by new living arrangements. These include increased interactions and opportunities for more frequent communication between family members. On the other hand, significant issues including financial insecurity caused by reduced or stagnant incomes, tensions between family members due to work-at-home lifestyles, exacerbate existing problems faced by Japanese families. The stress from new living arrangements in small dwellings may have further intensified gender inequality in the division of housework and carework, and become a catalyst for greater strain in relationships. This paper provides an assessment of the current changes experienced by Japanese families based on news reports and statistical data, as well as perceptions of the pandemic from Japanese university students.

This paper offers the concept of parental citizenship to capture the right of parents and their minor children to be citizens of the same country. It criticizes the current neglect of the familial aspects of immigration policies and citizenship laws, with the first centering on security and employment, and the latter conceptualized mainly in individualistic terms. One manifestation of this neglect, highlighted in the paper, is the double standard imposed on children in developed countries and in developing ones in relation to the centrality of their relations with their parents. While the first are protected by intense legal policies aimed at securing their right to live with and to be cared for by their parents, the latter are expected to be separated from their parents, and their right to parental care is ignored. The paper presents two detailed examples to demonstrate the current inconsistencies towards parental citizenship and the problematic outcomes of, on the one hand, ignoring it, and on the other hand, treating it as an almost absolute right. The paper calls for the integration of parental citizenship in the current debates over immigration policies and citizenship laws and for the evolvement of an international legal consensus over its importance and limits.

INTRODUCTIONIn Western countries during the 20th century important changes occurred in family life, models of masculinity and femininity and in the gender order of both public and private spheres. One of these changes was an emergence in 1970 of the involved fatherhood model. This model was to replace the traditional fatherhood model, in which the main obligation of men in family life was breadwinning. The new fatherhood model emphasized nurturing of children, which had previously been a core element of motherhood. According to the new model, men were expected to cross the traditional gender divide and take on some traditionally maternal obligations; fathering was encouraged to become more like mothering with less emphasis upon being breadwinners (see: Dowd, 2000; Johansson & Klinth, 2008; Wall and Arnold, 2007).The focus of this paper will be on the links between three elements: (1) the institutional context, in particular the family policy systems, (2) a conflict resulting from the coexistence of two different models of fatherhood, and (3) men's parenting behaviour. Poland and Sweden are two very different societies with distinct family policy systems. The comparison of Polish and Swedish societies provides an opportunity to analyse the links between family policy systems and individual parenting. A society's family policy system is always based on a particular discourse defining gender and parental roles, and through this discourse a particular gender order is preserved or rebuilt. On the one hand, it can support the traditional, patriarchal model of family, and on the other hand, it can promote gender equality, for example by promoting men's equal involvement in parenting (see: Saxonberg, 2013; Vuori, 2007). The particular discourse accepted within the welfare state policy impacts how men deal with conflicting models of fatherhood, and consequently, how they engage in parenting. This paper aims to document how contemporary Swedish and Polish fathers understand and fulfill their parental roles and how men deal with the conflicting models of fatherhood prevailing in their societies.METHODSThe research study is based on 52 interviews with Swedish and Polish fathers.2 The data was collected through in-depth interviews conducted between July 2012 and April 2013 with middle-class fathers living in big cities. Since my aim was to examine how men engage in fatherhood in the context of traditional parental roles, all interviewees were heterosexual, lived with their children and shared a common household with the mother of their children. Choosing such a homogenous group permitted a comparison of the impact of two different institutional and social contexts. In the middle-class heterosexual families, the traditional gender roles have been the most viable and visible. At the same time the middle class are most aware of gender equality issues and most likely to espouse equality compared to other social classes (Gottzen and Kremer-Sadlik, 2012).There were 32 interviews conducted with Polish fathers and 20 with Swedish fathers. Ages of the men ranged from 21 to 49, generally Swedish parents were slightly older, which can be explained by the fact that the average age of having the first child for women is higher in Sweden than in Poland, in 2011: 28.5 and 25.5 years old accordingly (Central Statistical Office of Poland, 2012a, Socialstyrelsen, 2013). Sample selection started with the participants who responded to announcements about the research and a call for eligible volunteers posted in day care institutions, on playgrounds, and in social networks on the Internet. Initial volunteers were asked for further contacts (snowballing). Among the eligible volunteers efforts were made to select diverse fathers on several criteria. Consequently, the interviewed men varied in their occupations and type of employment (self-employment, public or private sectors, unemployment), level of education, number of children and also the way they divided parental leave with mothers (this mostly concerned Swedish men). …

INTRODUCTIONFifty-three countries and hundreds of ethnic communities present the complexity of studying the family on the African continent. Scholars have however made efforts to provide a picture of this important African institution. They have focused on specific forms of families, communities and regions, and upon specific issues that affect the family. The heterogeneous character of the prevailing kinds of families in Africa in terms of the form, structure, function and evolution nevertheless contributes to the knowledge on the famity in general and in Africa in particular. An appraisal of these studies can serve to set the scene for the papers included in this special issue on the African family.A review of studies of any topic inevitably has to have limits to accommodate a reasonable number of themes and periods. Therefore no review of literature can be regarded as complete and comprehensive. For this reason, reviews of existing research invariably do not cover the entire literature on the chosen themes of families in Africa within a given time-frame.This review covers research on family and related topics in Africa that have been published in a major journal on family studies, namely the Journal of Comparative Family Studies, during the past 20 years (1994-2013). In particular, the studies examined here are those that dealt with the themes of the family on the African continent. This geographic specificity is required as the journal has also carried studies of African families that exist outside the boundaries of the continent. For instance, there were research articles in this journal that presented African families in the US and the UK. After the initial collection and selection for the relevant themes and studies, a total of 39 papers were finally chosen for this review.A majority of the papers carried in the journal focused on marriage and family in South Africa. They dealt with the household, roles in the family, family structure, cohabitation, marriage, children, and family policies in South Africa. What follows is a presentation of the studies under relevant themes, starting with those concerned with children.CHILDREN IN THE FAMILYAfrican families generally prefer to have more children than the international norm. The importance of children in the lives of Africans relate to matters of lineage, the supply of labour and support. This is a uniform trend across the continent. Analysing the Cameroon Demographic and Health Survey (CDHS) data for the year 1991 (2,868 women who were either married or in an informal union), Calves and Meekers (1999) present the advantages and disadvantages of having several children in the family in an African country. This survey explored the specific benefits and the drawbacks of having more children. Two kinds of informal unions-living with partners and living apart-were identified. Women in informal unions were younger than those in married unions. They were also more likely to be in monogamous unions than were married women in the country. Informal unions were influenced by socio-economic development, and women in these alliances tended to live in urban areas and had relatively higher levels of education. In informal unions where partners lived apart, women had secondary or higher education while their partners also had similar levels of education. As to the advantages of having several children, a number of them were quite prominent for all categories: labour assistance, financial support, old-age help, affection and companionship, lineage and posterity, pride and self-affirmation. The disadvantages of having several children in the family were mainly financial costs, education, discipline, sickness/death of children, and concerns about the future. The analysis showed that women in informal unions (both co-resident and non co-resident) and not married women were likely to have many children but they do not know its advantages. Though large families was a norm in Cameroon the desire to have large families were not uniform across informal unions and formal marriages. …

(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)INTRODUCTIONThe changing conjugal relationship has become a focal issue in family research in East Asia. Despite a complicated cultural and normative background, marital power as the conventional concept remains salient, and is shown to capture the core component of conjugal relations (Yi & Tsai, 1989; Chen, Yi, & Lu, 2000; Chu & Yu, 2010). Previous studies have documented the important effect of ideational shift, the enhancement of personal resources, and changing structural opportunities for women, including a decrease in co-residence with elderly parents and increase of paid employment, in the region (Xu, 2006; Lin & Yi, 2013; Xie «& Zhu, 2009; Pimentel «fe Liu, 2004). Those who exercise greater power in the conjugal relationship are regarded as having higher family status (Yi, Lu, & Pan, 2000).This paper intends to address this issue by focusing on changes in women's domestic status from a comparative perspective. Taiwan and Shanghai are chosen as the loci of the study because of their cultural homogeneity and political heterogeneity. It is expected that certain family universal may continue to dominate in the family process, while others may appear to fluctuate due to various constraints from the social system. The findings will allow us to delineate the relative impact of cultural norms and personal resources in conjugal relations.Measuring Marital PowerIt should be pointed out that the traditional measurement of the marital power structure has confronted several drawbacks, and significant bias may be caused. In brief, application of the same weight to different marital power indicators and the lack of conjugal data are two noted shortcomings. Reliance on one domain of conjugal dynamics is another clear disadvantage. This paper thus aims to provide a better measurement of marital power and to use a multilevel model to analyze dyadic couple data so that meaningful comparative findings may be achieved.Problem of One Single DimensionIt is well documented that the concept of marital power has been variously defined. The final outcome of family decision-making, patterns of tension and conflict management, or types of prevailing division of household labor are used to reflect women's family status (SaflliosRothschild, 1970; McDonald, 1980). Although there is consensus that the division of household labor and family decision-making patterns can be seen as substitute indicators of marital power, the relative importance of these two aspects of conjugal relations pertaining to the essence of marital power is seldom discussed. Take Taiwan for example. The division of household labor in Taiwan is extremely traditional: household labor is mainly performed by wives only (Lee, Yang, & Yi, 2000). In contrast, major pattem of family decision-making is somewhat more balancedboth husband and wife take part in the process (Yi & Yang, 1995). Under such circumstances, it is imperative to simultaneously consider both family decisions and household division of labor so as to attain a more comprehensive understanding ofthe marital power structure (Chen et al., 2000; Lu & Yi, 2005).Problem of Equal WeightTo further reiterate, the problem in measuring marital power arises from the fact that power is not one-dimensional. Having greater power in one area of family decision-making does not necessarily mean having the same power in another domain. In an attempt to integrate more than two indicators to carry out the analysis, most studies have been criticized for using a scoring system that lacks a theoretical basis. In other words, when multiple indicators are collected, the most common practice is to assign equal weight to each indicator, then sum up the total score as the final index of conjugal power (Blood & Wolfe, 1960; Burr, Ahem, & Knowles, 1977; Chen & Li, 2004; Lu & Yi 2005; Lee et al., 2000; Tang, 2003). …

Inspired by Melvin Kohn and Annette Lareau’s works, this paper aims to uncover the mechanisms of social reproduction practiced via after-school activities. The world’s lowest fertility rate, patriarchal family system, and burgeoning cram institutes make Taiwan a solid case to explore. Drawing on data from the Youth Project from 2000 and 2001 (N=2,126), we examine, step-by-step, the associations between parents’ social class, parents’ child-rearing values, and children’s after-school activity participation. By comparing maternal and paternal models, this paper demonstrates how Taiwanese parents carefully arranged the fabric of after-school time as an Asian version of concerted cultivation, and illustrates how cultural capital in Taiwan is practiced in the local context of parenting. Separate models on seven activities, including music, calligraphy, arts, dance, computer, sports and chess lessons, are investigated as well. By identifying the dynamic embedded within after-school activities, this paper contributes a fundamental understanding of after-school learning, a popular form of childhood socialization in East Asia.

INTRODUCTIONThis paper combines sociological and economic analysis of household behaviour, to study the division of unpaid housework within the family Regarding household decisions, mainstream economists and many sociologists have some common ground: both assume a husband's preferences can differ from a wife's preferences, and each spouse seeks his/her own way by threatening divorce (or other sanctions) against their partner. It is claimed by some writers (e.g., Evertsson & Nermo, 2004) that a woman's earnings can give her power; this is implied by bargaining models popular in economics and sociology. However, other writers (e.g., Bittman et al., 2003; Kerr, 2005; Martineiii «fe Parker, 2003) find such explanations inadequate to explain household behaviour, and add analysis based on gender.This paper investigates the 'gender neutralization hypothesis', which claims attitudes to gender roles distorts the amount of housework done by men and women. Evertsson & Nermo (2004: 1273) wrote "women and men take part in gender deviance neutralizing behavior; that is, they exaggerate behaviors that contradict a deviant economic identity (e.g., breadwinner wife and supported husband). In these unconventional families, women do more housework than predicted by their labor market work hours and relative resource models, whereas men do less". If a woman earns more than her husband, we might expect her to do less housework-and her husband to do most of the unpaid housework-because she can use her earning power to bargain for a distribution of unpaid work which she prefers. However, several writers (e.g., Evertsson & Nermo, 2004; Shelton & John, 1996; Zuo & Bian, 2001) claim that most households behave quite differently, if the wife is the main earner: she does a much larger fraction of housework than mainstream economic and sociological bargaining models suggest.This paper focuses on households containing a heterosexual couple (married or cohabiting: the terms 'spouse', husband', 'wife', and 'married' in this paper refer to cohabiting or married people). Data from household surveys in seven countries are used, to investigate how the distribution of unpaid work is related to the share of household income earned by the wife and by the husband. This paper uses data for the six countries covered in recent 'Work Attitudes & Spending' surveys, and 'British Household Panel Survey' data for Britain.This paper also investigates two other factors, which may improve our understanding of 'gender deviance neutralization': alcohol consumption by husbands; and domestic violence by husbands against their wife. This paper considers a possible explanation of why mainstream bargaining models seem unable to explain gender deviance neutralization: domestic violence, perhaps associated with alcohol consumption, may explain how lesswell-paid men are able to avoid housework.LITERATURE REVIEWMost contemporary economic theories of household decision-making are based on 'bargaining models' (which rely on game theory). Such models treat a household decision as a form of battle between husband «fe wife; the outcome is determined by each spouse's "threat point," related to that person's income-the more a person depends financially on their partner, the less power that person has, if economic bargaining models are correct (Haddad & Reardon, 1993). There are various versions of economic bargaining models, such as 'cooperative' and 'non-cooperative.'In sociology, various different types of analysis have been proposed to explain how a married or cohabiting couple make decisions. In the 'relative resource' perspective, a married person is more likely to control household decisions if they have more 'resources' which are desired by both partners. These resources include the income, education, and occupational status of each partner (Evertsson & Nermo, 2004: 1274). Approaches such as this assume 'rational' behavior by each partner, based on an individual's perception of his/her own self-interest. …

This paper investigates gender differences in time on housework with relationship dissolution. Using longitudinal data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey (2001-2005) and a linear mixed modeling approach, we examine changes in housework hours before and after separation from marriage or cohabitation. The results indicate that relationship type affects change in housework hours of men and women following separation. Men’s housework time increase with separation from marriage, but not from cohabitation. Women’s housework time decrease after separation from both cohabitation and marriage. We also find evidence of anticipatory behavior where women who separate do less housework hours prior to separation than those who remain partnered. The paper concludes that gender equality is most likely in the absence of a coresidential partner.

INTRODUCTIONWestern countries have been witnessing significant changes in the area of family life and care in the last few decades, along with the processes of relocation of care (Sevenhuijsen, 2003), e.g., from women to men and from the private to the public sphere (as seen in the institutionalization and commodification of care). These changes are also happening in Slovenia, although the division of care and family labour1 remains highly gendered. One of the phenomena indicating changes in the relocation of care within the private sphere is the so-called new or active fatherhood. According to several studies, in recent decades men are believed to have been more involved in family labour, especially in child care, with this trend having begun already in the late 1980s (Arendell, 1997; Knijn and Mulder, 1987; Rener et al., 2008, Van Dongen, 1995; Wall and Arnold, 2007). In this context, active fatherhood is often interpreted as a result of wider social changes, especially the mass employment of women. However, expectations that changes in the labour market would be followed by changes in the private sphere leading towards a more egalitarian division of family labour have proven to be at least overoptimistic. This is also the case in Slovenia (Rener et al., 2008). While there is a long tradition of women fully participating in the labour market (promoted in the time of socialism from World War II onward), the division of family labour has remained practically unchanged. Changes in the private sphere are happening more slowly than those occurring in gender relationships in the public sphere.Although changes in the gendered division of family labour have been called the "stalled revolution" (Hochschild, 1989), family life in Western countries including Slovenia has been experiencing radical changes in the last few decades (cf. Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Cheal, 2002; Morgan, 1996; Rener et al., 2006; Svab, 2001). New family trends can be seen in various demographic changes, such as a decline in marriage rates and fertility rates, an increase in divorce rates, the pluralisation of family forms and ways of family life etc. (Svab, 2001). Among others, there are also changes in family roles and fatherhood in particular is seen as a part of late-modem family trends (Rener et al., 2006).Based on qualitative empirical data from two qualitative studies, this paper discusses the phenomenon of the so-called new or active fatherhood in Slovenia, focusing particularly on the involvement of fathers in family labour and the gendered division of family labour. First the paper outlines the social context of the gendered division of family labour and the phenomenon of active fatherhood in Slovenia, especially the socialist heritage and the posttransitional time and related social changes. After describing the methodology and empirical material used in the paper, we present the results and discuss the characteristics of men's involvement in family labour as well as obstacles on the way to a more balanced division of family labour and the greater involvement of fathers in family labour, especially childcare. These are further addressed in the discussion and conclusion, highlighting similarities with Western countries along with Slovenian socio-cultural specificities in this respect.THE SOCIAL CONTEXT: SOCIALIST LEGACY AND POST-TRANSITIONAL REALITYIn Slovenia legal (gender) equality was granted already in the times of socialism by the state, with such state feminism including women's reproductive rights and social rights, coupled with many social provisions such as public kindergartens, health insurance, maternal and parental leave etc. This enabled women to participate in the labour sphere in the form of fulltime employment (Jalusic, 1999). However, changes in the public sphere were not followed by changes in the private sphere. The division of family and care labour in the socialist period revealed a significantly gendered picture: women were the main care-takers and engaged in household labour, while men mostly took part in repairs and maintenance works at home. …

Globalization, technological advances, and increasingly flexible social norms have contributed to more widespread intercultural relationships, particularly in multicultural societies such as the United States. In this paper, the authors use Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems framework (i.e., the macrosystem, exosystem, microsystem, chronosystem) to review the factors involved with entry and adjustment in intercultural relationships. Relationship entry is discussed in terms of how people of different cultural backgrounds meet, interact, and intimately relate. Factors that impact the likelihood of entering an intercultural relationship are outlined. Adjustment refers to the manner in which partners cope with the dyadic tensions that impact their relationship satisfaction and functioning. Compared to intracultural couples, intercultural couples are at a higher risk of experiencing adjustment problems over the course of the relationship. Therefore, suggestions are provided to help these couples minimize conflict and optimize satisfaction. Factors relating to relationship identity and cultural negotiation also are discussed. A summary of the most important clinical ideas to emerge from the literature on intercultural couples in the United States, as well as clinical suggestions for therapists working with these couples, are provided at the end of the paper.

INTRODUCTIONIn contemporary Latin America, mate selection is largely of a "free choice" nature. Thus, individuals in Latin America, as in most places, are motivated to select a partner who yields greater rewards and incurs fewer costs on the marriage market. While much is known of the couple formation practices and preferences among major groups in the U.S. and Canada, relatively little is known of Latin American practices and preferences in selecting a mate. In particular, very little is known in rural areas of Latin America that tend to be much more "traditional" than larger urban areas in South America. This study examined Bolivia, comparing urban and rural populations. This study examined mate selection preferences and practices among two samples of adults, one from the capital city of La Paz and one from a rural area in the Andean highlands (Altiplano). The current paper contains a review of the research literature including a review the major theoretical perspectives of social exchange theory, the commodification, social roles, and evolutionary perspectives. This is followed by a review of previous research methodologies studying mate selection preferences, Latin American mate selection preferences, and the Demographic and Health Survey of Bolivia. Finally, this paper provides a review of the current research methodology, results, and discussion.REVIEW OF LITERATURESocial exchange perspectives. Social exchange theory is useful in understanding the attractiveness of a potential mate. The negotiations of mate selection begin early in the courtship process and continue throughout the couple's association (Scanzoni, 1979). A relationship may begin when one individual becomes aware of a potential partner. At this point, several evaluations are made regarding the characteristics, appearance, and mannerisms of the potential partner. Potential rewards are compared to the possible costs of engaging in a relationship and, if the attributes of another do not appear valuable, then one is less likely to pursue interaction. The value of attributes and characteristics in a partner are shaped, therefore, by the perception of recipients as well as cultural influences on those perceptions. These characteristics have been widely explored within the U.S. culture but have received limited empirical attention in Latin America.Tt is likely that certain characteristics and attributes cause people to evaluate them as positive or negative factors (White & Klein, 2008; Nye, 1979; Sabatelli & Shehan, 1993). According to this perspective, the process of selecting a potential partner is similar to a marketplace where individuals seek people who have valuable or positive attributes in exchange for their own such positive attributes. Attributes that are deemed to be valuable characteristics for the marriage market have been a popular research theme in the U.S., dating back to Hill (1945) who first developed a list of 18 characteristics intended to reflect worth on the marriage market. These 18 characteristics included items that asked the respondent to rate the importance of mate characteristics on a 4-point scale, with 3 equal to indispensable and 0 equal to irrelevant or unimportant. Some of the characteristics included marrying a mate with a dependable character, emotional stability, good health, mutual attraction, chastity, education and intelligence, a similar religious background, and good financial prospects.Several follow-up studies on U.S. College students have been conducted using this same scale and were reviewed by Buss, Shackelford, Kirkpatrick, and Larsen (2001). In general, evidence of a shift in perceived values was found in that recent cohorts place less importance on chastity than past cohorts. Recent cohorts also place greater importance on physical attractiveness and good financial prospects than did young people in prior years.Costly characteristics are also an important part of this evaluation ofpotential partners in that characteristics deemed to be negative include health problems, older age, criminal histories, substance use/abuse, extensive sexual histories, and negative temperaments (i. …

INTRODUCTIONThe Caribbean region has high levels of both intraregional and international migration. The United Nations Secretariat (2002) estimates the net migration rate for the Caribbean as being the highest worldwide, with international migration being the dominant form. The magnitude of the Caribbean Diaspora is reflected in the sizable Caribbean communities in North America and Europe (Ferguson, 2003; Foner, 1998, 2001; Prachi, 2007; United Nations Secretariat, 2005) which was estimated to be over six million in the mid 1990s (Nurse, 2004). The impact of this movement has received much attention within the empirical literature in the past decade. However, available research has focused largely on economic challenges and benefits (Blank, 2007; Cortes, 2008; D'Emilio et al., 2007; Palmer, 1990), with less attention directed towards the effects on the children left behind when parents migrate (Bakker, Elings-Pels, & Reis, 2009; Crawford-Brown, 1999; Dobson, 2009; Toyota, Yeoh, & Nguyen, 2007).Estimates range from 10 to 20% of children in some Caribbean countries who do not reside with at least one of their parents due to international migration (Blank, 2007) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) reported that 17% of children born to two-parent families in Mexico will have a migrating father at some time in their childhood (Cortes, 2008). The limited research suggests that for some children the outcome can be negative resulting in emotional, psychological, behavioural, educational, and health challenges (Bakker et al., 2009; Crawford-Brown, 1997; Jones, Sogren, & Shaipe, 2004; Pottinger, 2005). This finding is comparable to studies conducted outside the region, including Asia, China, and Africa, which also point to the fallouts for some children and the need to address the issues (Lopez-Ekra, Aghazarm, Kotier, & Mollard, 2011; Madianou & Miller, 2011; Whitehead & Hashim, 2005). Regardless of whether one or both parents migrate, children experience the effects in their health, education and overall well-being (Battistella & Conaco, 1998; Madianou & Miller, 2011). The studies from outside the region suggest that the effects on children in the home country differ according to country and gender of the migrating parent, with outcomes being better in some countries than others (Whitehead & Hashim, 2005). When fathers leave, these studies concentrate on the role of remittances and the vulnerability of female-headed households (Chen, Huang, Rozelle, Shi, & Zhang, 2009; Giannelli & Mangiavacchi, 2010; Khun, 2006). In the case of mother out-migration, the highlights are psycho-social impacts and changing gender roles as a result of family break"Faculty up (Asis, 2006; Parrenas, 2002). In situations where both parents migrate, an additional factor includes the hardship faced by grandparents (Giannelli & Mangiavacci, 2010).The purpose of this paper is to review the literature on the impact of parental migration on Caribbean children and to suggest directions for further research. To do this, we provide a background on migration in the Caribbean, a summary of the major theories guiding migration studies, and the method for retrieving studies. This is followed by a presentation of the results, the limitations of the review, discussions, and conclusions.BACKGROUNDAn acceptable description of the Caribbean should consider issues related to culture, history, politics, economics and geography (Girvan, 2001; Granger, 2010; Skelton, 2004). No standard definition currently exists which captures all these factors and no specific definition is considered to be correct, rather it is based on context (Girvan, 2001 ). This paper focuses on a geopolitical definition because it allows some opportunity for a wide comparison of studies across the Region. Within this context, the Association of Caribbean States (2003) identifies a 'Greater Caribbean Zone' comprising 25 countries bordering the Caribbean Sea. …

The trend towards late marriage and nonmarriage has characterized East and Southeast Asia over the past three decades. Singlehood levels in Singapore are high, particularly among the Chinese population. Based on a recent qualitative study on 30 single Singaporeans of Chinese descent, the paper examines a number of factors relevant to the high level of singlehood among Chinese population in Singapore. The high financial and opportunity costs of marrying and raising a family are shown to be relevant, as well as increasing individualism and changing attitudes about marriage. The paper argues that the trend towards marriage postponement and non-marriage in Singapore is related to increasing emphasis on freedom, independence and self-actualization, greater individual decision making about marriage, the increasing social acceptability of premarital sex and cohabitation and changing attitudes about the desirability of marriage. Some findings from our Singapore case seem to echo the second demographic transition as reported in many Western societies. These findings may have implications for the Singapore government’s population and social policy in terms of shaping positive attitudes towards marriage and procreation and building effective matchmaking institutions.

In India, the family is a central unit of social existence and the socialization of children is a key function. Cultural scripts, parents own experiences, family situations and location guide parenting and familial practices. Parents’ beliefs and ethnotheories contain explicit and implicit ideas about the manner in which children ought to be raised. With increasing global interaction and urban movement, the urban Indian family is continually faced with the challenge of keeping up with the fast pace of change. Such change exerts tremendous pressure on the ethos of the family as well as on parenting goals and motivations. This paper explores the nature of parental beliefs or ethnotheories among Indian families. The relatively unexplored territory of everyday conversations, interactions and routines within families has been used to access the nature and source of parents’ ethnotheories. The paper specifically focuses on the manner in which mothers organize the daily routines of young children in the age group 3-6 years. The narratives provide a rich description of family life and have been organized within significant domains of childhood such as feeding and eating, regulation of behavior, development and learning, interpersonal relationships, agency for children and parental aspirations. Families living in Delhi, India formed a part of the study. The influence of cultural and familial diversity as well as situational factors was found to contribute largely to the multiplicity of beliefs. The rapidly changing urban situation indicates a need to renew ideas about parenting and childhood in India.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)INTRODUCTIONA simile is a figure of speech likening one thing to another (cf. Rosenblatt, 1994, p. 13)-for example, "kindergartens are like zoos" or "therapists are like friends who ask good questions." A metaphor is a figure of speech in which words or actions that literally denote one kind of object or idea are used in place of another, suggesting a resemblance or analogy (Rosenblatt, 1994, p. l)-for example, "my family is a safe harbor." Knowing the common similes and metaphors people in a culture apply to family may help us to understand what family means to them. A simile or metaphor for family may reflect the emotional meanings of family, the values and ideals that are applied to family, common family problems, anxieties about families, and other matters that are valuable to recognize and explore in that they may illuminate aspects of the culture and of how people in the society think about family or would like family to be.In this paper we examine common similes and metaphors that are applied to the family in contemporary Chinese culture. The topic of Chinese similes and metaphors for family is potentially important for many reasons-because increasing our understanding of cultural indicators for families anywhere may help us to understand families everywhere else, because of population size Chinese merits close attention, because China is a dominant industrial, trading, diplomatic, consuming, and cultural force in the world, because at times political propaganda in some countries (for example, the United States) has demonized Chinese culture and it would be best to understand that culture in something approximating its own terms rather than to accept a view that demonizes Chinese culture, and because Chinese culture is inherently interesting.The analysis of similes and metaphors pertaining to families as cultural indicators at best only give a sense of aspects of culture-cultural values, ideals, conflicts, ways of thinking, and so on. The analysis of similes and metaphors could not possibly provide a comprehensive or in depth analysis of the culture and of families in the culture. Perhaps no method and no data set could provide the thorough, comprehensive, and in depth analysis we would like for Chinese culture and for Chinese families. But hopefully each method and each data set will help to illuminate Chinese cultures and families and add to the total of our knowledge. Thus, we offer this paper on Chinese similes and metaphors for family as a contribution to the already accumulated and still accumulating body of knowledge but by no means a replacement for what has already been published. So in this paper we report what we think Chinese internet similes and metaphors for family seem to suggest, and we do so both as a modest contribution to ongoing discussions about Chinese families and as a general illustration of the process, power, and limitations of the analysis of similes and metaphors for family.METHODTo gather a group of common Chinese family similes and metaphors we entered the Chinese character for "family" [... Jia] and the Chinese words for "is," [... shi] and "is like" [... xiang; ... ru] in two major Chinese search engines, the Chinese language version of Google and the dominant Chinese search engine, Baidu. On December 18, 2009, we took the first page of hits from each search as our source of Chinese similes and metaphors for family, a total of eight pages, based on using the four different Chinese words for "is" and "is like" with each of the two search engines.We had a total of 80 hits from the eight first pages we looked at ( 10 hits per page). We looked both at the similes and metaphors as they appeared on the results page itself and also went into the websites to analyze what they had to say that was relevant to the metaphors and similes. Some hit entries and their associated websites had several similes or metaphors, and we recorded all of those. …

in Undetermined This paper addresses the use of ethnographic methods in the field known as family studies. While ethnographic methods are fundamental in the anthropological study of kinship and family, quantitative methods have long dominated family studies. To grasp the ideas and actions of human beings, however, we must pay attention to their intentions and recognize that intentions are not necessarily simply pragmatic reactions to economic or political conditions. One reward of ethnographic fieldwork is that the extended timeframe enables the researcher to gain insights into the construction of meaning in everyday life. Based on the author's experiences during long-term fieldwork on intergenerational expectations and obligations in Singapore, the paper demonstrates how the role of the researcher, as well as the accumulation of ethnographic data, is shaped and constructed in interaction with informants. While an anthropological approach contributes to an in-depth understanding of family practices on the ground, it requires a high degree of self-reflexivity with regard to fieldwork relations and the interpretation of data, since the ethnographer's social position, including age, gender, class, and ethnicity/nationality, inevitably shapes the access to informants. The paper sheds light on the different aspects of fieldwork and the process of ethnographic understanding. (Less)

The paper examines arranged marriages in contemporary W estern Europe, specifically within Britain, France and Germany. The paper reveals that two different types of marriage systems currently co-exist globally. These are “love” marriages in the west and “arranged” marriages in many parts of Asia and Africa. Both are associated with value systems that derogate the “Other” and regard themselves as “superior” and “normal.” The paper explores how arranged marriages are currently demonised within the dominant western mass media. The paper also examines data collected from young adults in Britain, France and Germany from various ethnic/nationality backgrounds with a view to assessing the continuing practice of arranged marriages amongst children of international migrants. The paper shows that the media reflect the persistence of arranged marriages but simultaneously distort its significance.

INTRODUCTIONWealth inequality in the United States continues to grow. In the 1990s, households across most of the wealth distribution experienced growth in their net worth, but this growth was mainly concentrated in the top 20 percent. At the same time, those with the least wealth actually lost ground as the proportion of Americans with zero or negative assets rose frcm 15.5 percent in 1989 to 17 percent in 2004 (Wolf f 2007). Further complicating this picture, income explains very little of the magnitude of rising wealth. While total household income increased from the early 1980s to 2004, it does not account for the increase in the rate of household wealth (Wolf f 2007). Clearly, there is a growing disparity between the wealthy and the asset-deprived. Though sociologists have recently focused mere attention on wealth accumulation, they have only begun to understand the processes drivirg such inequality.Family characteristics have become increasingly important to researchers' understanding of changes in wealth inequality over time, In this paper, we build on current wealth research that briefly addresses the relationship between the number of children in a household and adult wealth accumulation (Keister 2005, 2008; Oliver and Shapiro 2006) by employing a more rigorous modeling strategy and by examining the influence of non-marital childbirth. Children are certainly expensive, but families may react to their impending arrival in several ways. Children may serve as encouragement for families to save and acquire assets, but children may also be associated with resource dilution and strain. Given that having children is a common event within families, we seek to understand how the same process may be associated with disparate outcomes between families. Since racial/ethnic minority families have lower levels of net worth (e.g., Conley 1999; Oliver and Shapiro 2006), they will leave fewer financial resources than white households when they begin to have children. This may lead to a relationship between the number of children and wealth accumulation that varies by race/ ethnicity.In this paper, we explore the relationship among race/ethnicity, children, and adult wealth accumulation with a sample of first-married households from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and multi-level growth curve models. This article makes three important cotributions. First, by focusing on first-married households, we explore how continuous marriage is associated with wealth accumulation. Several studies report a positive relationship between marriage and wealth with cross-secticnal data (Hao 1996; Wilnoth and Kozo 2002), but this article breaks new ground by modeling the accumulation of household wealth ever the duration of a marriage. Second, we assess hew a common family event-having childrenaffects the relationship between marriage and wealth accumulation. Here, we link the family and wealth literatures by examining how children differentially affect marital wealth trajectories ky race/ethnicity. The racial/ethnic wealth divide in the United States is well-documrented; however , the importance of family structure and family processes for wealth accumulaticn have only recently garnered mere attention from sociologists (e.g., Conley and Ryvicker forthcoming; Hao 1996; Keister 2004) . This article continues this line of work, last, we focus cn two nechanisms for wealth ineejuality: financial and nen- financial resources, !hese represent unique resource pools; therefore, understarrling hew households invest their Limited financial resources pxevides insist into how children and ]33e/e±nicity shape patterns of household resource allccaticn.BACKGROUNDContinuously Married HouseholdsMarriage is a wealth-enhancing institutien that has lasting financial iirpjlicaticns for heusehold wealth trajectories. Transitions into and cut cf marriage and the timing cf these events will affect individuals in different ways acrcss the life cycle. …

This paper contributes to the field of comparative research on fatherhood practice and policy. Specifically, the paper promotes knowledge of welfare state variations by providing a theoretical model of ‘two worlds’ of father politics, as exemplified by the USA and Sweden. By adopting a historical approach, the analysis identifies a longstanding divergence between neo-patriarchal trends in the USA and de-patriarchalisation trends in Sweden. In addition, the study finds that neopatriarchal perspectives on fatherhood have amplified under the American neo-liberal social policy paradigm of welfare to work. Ireland as other countries is increasingly open to neo-liberal trends in welfare state development. In this study, analysis of Irish social policy debates identifies a shift in the importance of fatherhood research to father and family policies. By studying the historical process in Ireland through key policy documents, the paper illustrates how policy preferences are legitimised through a process of drawing upon selected national and international fatherhood research findings. A key finding is that Irish social policy has consistently failed to consider the Swedish alternative of gender egalitarianism, family pluralism and generous parental leave entitlements. Instead, what hold favour in Ireland are American conservative neopatriarchal influences that seek to protect patriarchal familism within marriage against social and demographic change.

ENTRODUCnONGlobally, scholars in growing numbers focus on issues related to parenting and parent education. The papers that follow in this special issue represent a very small but geographically diverse sample of global research on parenting and parent education. Earlier versions of the papers were presented at the International Conference on Parent Education and Parenting, the first joint meeting of the University of North Texas' Center for Parent Education (CPE) and the International Sociological Association's Committee on Family Research (CFR). The initial collaborative combination conference was held February 12-14, 2009. The conference built on a model developed and used by CPE for 16 years. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of the organizations behind the conference, detail the activities of the conference, highlight related collaborative efforts, and chart the challenges facing parent educators and parenting researchers.CENTER FOR PARENT EDUCATION: A VALUABLE RESOURCEThe CPE was founded by the first author in 1992 as an academic and outreach Center at the University of North Texas with the goal of strengthening families through education and research about parenting and family support. In addition to parent education research and evaluation, the CPE has a website with resources and a data base for professionals and sponsors the Texas Association of Parent Educators, annual Best Practices and Professional of the Year awards, and a parent education recognition system based on research based competencies. The Texas Center for Home Instruction for Parents of Preschool Youngsters (HIPPY), an international parem education program, is also funded through the CPE.CONFERENCE ON PARENT EDUCATIONThe Conference on Parent Education, initiated in 1993, has been unique as an annual national conference focused on educating and supporting parents and professionals who work withfamilies. The format has included research symposiums, research to practice oral presentations, research posters, practitioner workshops, resource sharing, and a keynote speaker with a national reputation for scholarship. The CPE's very popular conference was expanded to combine the research oriented interests of CFR members with the practice oriented CPE.COMMITTEE ON FAMILY RESEARCH: INTERNATIONAL SOCIOLOGIC AL ASSOCIATIONCFR has a long history as well. CFR is one of the International Sociological Association's (ISA) oldest, largest, and most active research committees. ISA designates the CFR as Research Committee RC06. The ISA consists of 55 research committees plus six thematic and work groups. The CFR has held seminars or conferences throughout the world since 1954.INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATIVE CONFERENCEThe format of the 2009 joint conference included three formats: (a) Interactive workshops that focused on practical knowledge and applications plus intervention and educational models, (b) Research-to-practice sessions that focused on updates in applied research with special interest sessions on parenting and family education, (c) Topical symposiums that focused on pure research, theoretical models, paradigms, and policy with a primary focus on global and cross-cultural topics. The latter included a poster session for beginning scholars or scholars in the early stages of their research.Conference PresentationsOver 80 professionals and researchers from around the world made presentations during the conference. Fourteen presentations featured researchers and practitioners from Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and Mexico. Additionally, five international scholars studying or working in the US presented research conducted with diverse global populations. A highlight of each day was the keynote speakers and symposium leaders who shared their expertise with over 250 attendees. The keynoter on the first day, featuring practical knowledge and application, was Professor and Extension Family Life Specialist H. …

In the last few decades, there has been growing scholarly interest about the implications of women’s increased economic role on household decision-making dynamics. Contributing to these conversations, the current paper examines couples (wives and husbands) perceptions and attitudes towards women’s decision-making power in the context of Ghana’s small-scale fishery where both couples engage in the same economic activity, performing different, but complementary roles. The study involved interviews with 20 and 18 married female and male fisherfolk respectively, which was part of a larger study by the first author among fisherfolk in the south-western coast of Ghana. We show that accounts of perceived decision-making power of women varied by spouse. Using a gender lens, we show how both women and men discursively reproduced and challenged hegemonic gender discourses and relations in different contexts. We argue that exploring the gaps in couples’ account of women’s household decision-making power as well as their perceptions and attitudes towards such roles provides important ground to understanding the inconsistencies in the outcomes of programs targeted at women empowerment and gender equality.

This paper analyses the age and educational homogamy of same-sex couples in Germany over a 20-year period from 1996 to 2015. Data of the Microcensus show that cohabiting same-sex couples are less likely to be homogamous than cohabiting different-sex couples, both in terms of age and education. For same-sex couples, gender matters, male same-sex couples being the most diverse. The analyses thus confirm previous results for other European countries. Hitherto, changes in the homogamy of same-sex couples over time had not been studied in Europe, mainly due to data constraints. However, major changes in the visibility and legal acceptance of same-sex couples suggest that their patterns of partner choice are becoming more similar to those of different-sex couples. Our analyses show that the age difference among female same-sex couples has indeed narrowed over time, converging with the age difference among different-sex couples. For male same-sex couples though, there is no clear trend. In terms of educational homogamy, contrary to our assumption, we find a clear decline among same-sex couples of both genders since the 2000s, making them even more dissimilar to different-sex couples.

This paper provides a literature review of the incongruence between Americans’ beliefs and practices regarding marriage. In the United States, marriage is conceptualized as a monogamous, lifelong partnership. Yet American practices do not support this conceptualization, which is evidenced by infidelity and divorce rates that approximate 25-50 percent. This paper explores the incongruence and examines how cultural shifts in marital practices have contributed to higher rates of infidelity and divorce. Information is presented about the purpose of marriage, and attitudes and practices regarding infidelity and divorce. We present these topics using a sociohistorical context and describe how the nature of marriage has changed over time. It is argued that the purpose of marriage has shifted from being a social obligation to a choice based on personal fulfillment; and that this shift puts individuals at greater risk of infidelity and divorce. Throughout the paper, and particularly in the concluding section, we offer commentary about how the incongruence between marital beliefs and practices can be reconciled at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and contextual levels.

INTRODUCTIONIn Japan, there were 44,701 cross-border marriages in 2006-the highest number ever on record. Currently, one out of every 16 marriages in Japan is a cross-border marriage. This increase in cross-border marriages has also led to an increase in the number of CCKs (CrossCultural Kids) of these marriages. The number of CCKs in Japan more than doubled over a period of 20 years, from 10,022 in 1987 to 23,463 in 2006. It is clear, then, that Japan is witnessing a growth in the number of cross-border marriages and CCKs, but is Japan truly making progress in terms of multiculturalism? In this paper, I will examine Japanese sociocultural systems in the context of CCKs with Japanese and Brazilian parents for the following two reasons.First, from a historical perspective, the social acceptance of CCKs born from cross-border marriages can be seen as an index of the degree to which multiculturalism is progressing (Jansson, 1981). Therefore, this research will reveal whether the growing consensus that multiculturalism lags far behind despite the trend towards increased multiethnicity in Japan could be supported or otherwise.Secondly, Brazilians are the biggest ethnic group among newcomers in Japan. The total number of Brazilians registered as residents in Japan in 2006 was 312,979, accounting for 15.0% of all registered foreign residents, and ranking third next to Koreans (28.7%) and Chinese (26.9%) (The Immigration Bureau, 2007). The increase in the number of Brazilian residents in Japan accompanies the increase in the number of the marriage between Japanese and Brazilian and CCKs of these marriages.Most Brazilians living in Japan are of Japanese descent. As a result, there are a large number of couples comprising Japanese and Japanese-Brazilian among the cross-border marriages between Japanese and Brazilian. Cottrell (1990) stated that within the definition of crossborder or cross-national marriages, a cross-border marriage is not necessarily an interethnic marriage, but also includes marriages between two people of the same ethnic group but with different nationalities, and that a cross-border marriage is not necessarily an intercultural marriage. In the case of marriages between Japanese and Japanese-Brazilians, however, even if the marriage is within a single ethnic group, the social and cultural backgrounds of the parties socialized in each country differ, albeit to varying degrees. In this paper, I will look at marriages between Japanese and Japanese-Brazilians as cross-border marriages and marriages between two people with different nationalities and cultural backgrounds, and examine the conditions involving CCKs of these marriages. When considering CCKs with Japanese and Brazilian parents, rather than focusing on the contrasts between Brazilian and Japanese culture, I will investigate the path to multiculturalism. I hope that this research will contribute to the construction of a multicultural society.1LITERATURE REVIEWThe concept of CCK first came about in the literature on TCK (Third Culture Kid) in the United States. R. H. Useem coined the term TCK after spending a year in India in the early 1950s. Initially they used the term "third culture" to refer to the process of learning how to relate to another culture (Useem et al., 1963); in time they started to refer to children who accompany their parents into a different culture as TCK (Pollok, 2008). Later, the term TCK came to have an even broader application, referring in general to the children growing up in an interstitial culture, or culture between cultures (Pollok and Van Reken, 2002).Even among these children growing up in culture between cultures, however, there are many different circumstances in which these cultures intersect; for example, there are cases where children stay temporarily in the host society, with the understanding that they will return to their home country some day, in addition to children of cross-border marriages and children of immigrants (Cottrell, 2007). …

Family has been defined as a social unit related by blood, marriage, and adoption. A network of political, social and economic relationship exists among family members, as well as between family members and the society they live in, and this network has influenced the change in family structure. This paper examines the influence of demographic and socio-economic factors on the changing family structures in Botswana comparatively to other Southern African countries. Data from Population Censuses, Demographic Health Surveys and other related literature are used to examine the influence of: fertility, marriage, education, migration, inheritance patterns, and HIV/AIDS on the family structure. It notes that there is a decline in fertility and marriage patterns in Botswana and other Southern African countries under a review which changes the structure of the family from the traditional (extended family) to the modem (nuclear and single-parent families). The paper argues that the weakening of family structure is also because of inheritance disputes which are influenced by inheritance customary laws that look down upon women empowerment. Furthermore, HIV/AIDS related mortality and morbidity has also wrecked a lot of families. There are many orphans in Southern Africa due to HIV/AIDS.

In this paper we examine remittances as a currency of care from the perspective of migrants among the Indian diaspora in Australia. We focus particularly on seven “twice migrants” from Malaysia, Singapore, Kenya and the United Kingdom, and two cases where direct migration of the parental generation from India has led to multiple migration for their children as they moved from Australia to the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom. These nine cases of multiple migration enable us to delve into the greater complexity and longer history of migration. The paper thus adds a historical dimension to literature on migration, analyzing changes across generations to remittances and the transnational family. Following Fischer and Tronto (1990) we distinguish between “caring about,” “taking care,” “caregiving” and “care-receiving.” Occasional and regular remittances, together with regular communication, visits home and gifts, express the migrants’ continued “caring about” and “taking care” of the family left behind, usually the parents. The money sent home helps facilitate “caregiving,” usually by the non-migrant siblings. The social value of money as a medium of relationships and belonging has been transmitted across generations, though parents are less likely to want to receive such care in Australia. Moreover, there are tensions inherent in caring. From the migrants’ perspective, these tensions revolve around an inadequate valuing of the money sent home and conflicts around inheritance. Our focus on multiple migrants balances the linear notions of migration implicit in the literature on migration, remittances and the transnational family. Over time, the definition of kin in the transnational family narrows as there is a dilution of family communication. With multiple migrations, there are possible shifts in the geographic centre of the transnational family. As the younger generation migrates further, this dilution is accompanied by a greater diffusion of the transnational family.

INTRODUCTIONSociological interest in perceptions of fairness of the division of household labor has generaUy focused on how household-level gender inequality translates into perceived inequity (e.g., Baxter, 2000; Greenstein, 1996). The presumptions behind this examination have been: first, wives expect an equal, or close to equal, division of labor; and second, when the housework is not equally divided, there wiU be a greater likelihood of seeing the division of labor as unfair. Interestingly, the context within which these fairness decisions have been studied has been nearly constant. Much of the empirical work on perceptions of fairness of the division of household labor has been performed using data on the United States (for exceptions see Dempsey, 1999; Nordenmark and Nyman, 2003; Wunderink and Niehoff, 1997). It is likely that the expectation of equahty that has permeated perceptions of fairness research is a function of where the research has been performed. Much of the previous research has been performed in and on nations where there is an exphcit expectation for inequaUty in the home based on the separate spheres ideology and/or in which there is a capitalist political history. Cultural frameworks shape what is considered fair or unfair (Hui, Triandis and Yee, 1991; Morris and Leung, 2000). Social environment constructs expectations, but little is known regarding environmental mechanisms that lead to differing expectations (Gager and HohmannMarriott, 2006). For example, little is known about perceptions of fairness of the division of household labor in nations with differing cultural histories, especially with regard to separate spheres ideology and poUtical history. This research sheds light on the extent to which nation of residence shapes married women's expectations for the division of household labor and their fairness evaluations of their own division of labor.Many of the theoretical and empirical evaluations of perceptions of fairness of the division of household labor draw upon distributive justice theory to explain how individuals, generaUy women, determine whether their household division of labor is fair (e.g., DeMaris and Longmore, 1996; Gager and Hohmann-Marriot, 2006; Greenstein, 1996). Empirical evidence generally supports the idea that comparison referents are a key factor in determining fairness. These comparison referents are standards against which individuals compare their own situation. The purpose of this paper is to examine expectations set by comparison referents within nations to determine whether this component of distributive justice theory is contextually bound. This paper focuses on historical data and operationaUzes comparison referents through three measures, each capturing a different mechanism through which expectations of the division of labor could be constructed within a nation. Specifically, . political history, women's political representation, and the proportion of households where the household labor is specialized either by the wife or the husband (as measured in 1991) provide three contextual measures for expectations of how housework should be divided, and the comparison referents married women likely used to assess the fairness of their own division of labor. As women have historically performed the majority of the household labor in developed nations, this paper focuses on understanding how women have interpreted this inequahty.CONNECTING NATION-LEVEL CHARACTERISTICS TO INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL PERCEPTIONS OF FAIRNESS VIA DISTRmUTTVE JUSTICE THEORYDistributive justice theory is a leading theoretical explanation for how individuals determine whether their division of labor is fair (Gager and Hohmann-Marriott, 2006; Greenstein, 1996; Thompson, 1991). The distributive justice model posits that three factors contribute to a sense of fairness: outcome values, justifications, and comparison referents (Major, 1993). Outcome values refer to what is expected and desired from a relationship. …

INTRODUCTIONThe last three decades have seen a profound transformation in attitudes toward family, gender roles, and family related behaviors in most of Western developed countries. Studies documenting these attitudinal changes call attention to the increased acceptance of alternate forms of family living and childbearing such as divorce, non-marital cohabitation, never marrying, and child bearing and rearing outside of marriage (Cherlin, 198 1 ; Lesthaeghe, 1995; Lapierre-Adamcyk and Lussier, 2003; Lesthaeghe and Meekers 1986; Lesthaeghe and Surkyn 1988; Nevitte, 1996; Roussel 1989; Surkyn and Lesthaeghe, 2002; Thornton, 1989 and 2001). These attitudinal developments have been accompanied with dramatic changes in demographic profiles of Western countries, including sharp decline in marriage and childbearing rates and prevalence of divorce and non-marital births (Bumpass, 1990; Dumas and Peron, 1992; 2002; Le Bourdais and Lapierre-Adamcyk, 2004; see also Figure 1 for the case of Canada). As suggested by the second demographic transition, changing attitudes toward family, gender, and childbearing have played a fundamental role in the contemporary demographic trends (Axin and Thornton, 1993; Lesthaeghe, 1995; Lesthaeghe and Surkyn 1988;Plotnick, 1992; Surkyn and Lesthaeghe, 2002; Thornton and Freedman, 1982; Van de Kaa 1987).Despite the rapid change in attitudes toward family and family-related behaviors, and the important ways in which these changes may have influenced demographic outcomes, we know little regarding the determinants of these attitudes, and how these attitudes are distributed. In this paper, we are particularly interested to know the relative prevalence, across various characteristics of the population, of liberal attitudes relating to such factors as childbearing within non-marital cohabitation, same-sex unions and single-parent families. Studying correlates of attitudes to non-marital childbearing is important for interpreting group differences in family behavior, and for ascertaining what motivates individuals to engage in non-marital childbearing. In effect, attitudes to childbearing outside of marriage are important for understanding the extent of family change, the evolving context of childrearing, and the policy environment that would best support families with young children. In this paper, we investigate the correlates of attitudes to childbearing outside of marriage, comparing the attitudes of women and men.CONCEPTUAL MODELIn the course of a person's life, his/her attitude to a given object is formed and changed on the basis of direct experiences with the attitude object and information about the object, gained through direct observation and learning processes. Accordingly, a person's attitude toward any given object is determined largely by social learning, past behavior, and sociodemographic status which influences the extent and the nature of relevant associated information and experiences (Ajzen, 1985 and 199 1 ; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). It is useful to discuss the role of each of these three factors in forming a person's attitude toward nonmarital childbearing.Social LearningOver their life course, people learn how to behave through observing and imitating the social behaviors and attitudes of others with whom they interact within families and sub-cultures. Bandura (1977: 22) suggests that "most human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a guide for action." Similarly, an attitude may be described as "a learned predisposition to respond in a consistently favorable or unfavorable manner with respect to a given object" (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975: 6). The key aspect in this definition is "learned." From this perspective, children who have grown up in cohabiting, separated or step-family structures would hold more positive attitudes toward alternative family arrangements and family-related behaviors such as non-marital births. …

Governments increasingly view earning and saving as the main solutions to low-income and debt, but is it feasible to expect all parents to work their way out of poverty? This paper compares gendered patterns of income, and state support for earning and caring in three similar welfare states: Australia, New Zealand and Canada. Relying on recent OECD statistics and national studies, the paper examines employment patterns, poverty rates and state support, noting similarities but also wide variations by gender, family configuration and country. The paper argues that increases in female employment have modified household incomes but the changes have been insufficient to counteract gendered patterns of unpaid work and the challenges women face when parenting alone. Especially mothers find themselves working in low-paid jobs with little hope of job mobility and their economic circumstances often vary by marital status and levels of state support. In Canada and New Zealand, few lone mothers can work their way out of poverty but Australia offers longer support for mothering at home and enhanced in-work benefits that reduce poverty rates.

INTRODUCTIONThere are many factors that affect the lives of families. For example, the existence (or lack) of universal daycare and/or lengthy maternity and parental leaves with a fair replacement wage has serious implications for families that have children. Moreover, the extent to which there are accessible supports for families reinforces particular class and gender structures in society. The nature and structure of family policies, therefore, plays a central role in shaping the experiences and lives of families as well as their social surroundings.While welfare state regimes models have greatly increased our understanding of the social, political, and historical factors that influence the development of divergent forms of social provision, they were developed around the analysis of labour market policies.1 The primary intent of this paper, therefore, is to examine family policies using a method commonly used by welfare state theorists in order to demonstrate that family-focused policies are largely connected to a country's overall approach to social welfare. In doing this, this paper focuses on the ways in which family policies reinforce certain forms of class stratification, where most current welfare state research stresses the impact family policies have on gender stratification.2 It will be argued that the congruence between family policy structures and overall national approaches to social welfare confirms that understanding family policy development can benefit from existing understandings of the historical, economic, and political underpinnings of welfare state regimes.BACKGROUNDEsping-Andersen (1990) identified three "typical" clusters of welfare states in his analysis of sickness, unemployment, and pension benefits. Liberal welfare states are dominated by the logic of the market.3 Benefits are modest, often means-tested and stigmatizing. These welfare states tend to be low spenders. Conservative/corporatist welfare states are less controlled by markets but their benefits tend to be stratified, and therefore their overall redistributive effects are minimal. These regimes are generally shaped by historical church traditions, and this tends to determine their conservative attitudes toward social policy.4 The third welfare state type is the social democratic. This type is based on universalism and "usurpation" of the market (Pierson, 1998, p. 779).5 It is committed to the principle of full employment, and social spending tends to be high, while spending on tax benefits, which are less redistributive, is comparatively low.Cross-national and cross-cultural analyses of policies that affect families can benefit from such well-established explanations of divergent welfare state histories, politics and structures. A lot of welfare state research has illustrated the role that various historical and political factors (like history of labour mobilization, religious ideology, economic conditions, partisan politics, and foreign trade-see for a few examples Castles and Mitchell, 1992; Esping-Andersen, 1990; 1999; Korpi and Palme, 1998; Leibfried, 1993; Olsen, 2002; Ware and Goodwin, 1990) have had in shaping the form and expanse of welfare states. Such factors, which may in some cases seem further removed from the specific analysis of family policies, are nonetheless important within the field of family research.However, the majority of work comparing family policies across different countries has either not interpreted family policies as being components of a more general welfare state approach involving labour market, healthcare, social security, and otiier areas of social provision (for examples, Baker 1995; Bradshaw and Finch, 2002; Brewster and Rindfuss, 2000; Gauthier, 1996; 2002; Kamerman, 1995; Waldfogel, 2001), or has used family policies as a way of including gender stratification into an otherwise class stratification-based approach (discussed below). Further, case studies of the development of particular family policies in the United States and Canada reveal many characteristics associated with liberal welfare states, but have not directly examined the implications of the factors that have shaped the welfare state type within which the policies have developed (Aldous, 1997; Elison, 1997; Lovenduski and Norris, 1993; Marks, 1997; White 1997). …

Demographic shifts among the aging population of the United States call for a re-examination of our understanding of the needs of these individuals, especially when race, ethnicity, family composition, and country of origin are considered in the discourse. This paper examines some of the implications of the rapid increase in racial and ethnic diversity among the older population in the United States for delivering culturally competent care through community based service providers. As much of our population ages, families across cultures and classes will increasingly need to be involved with specialized service providers. An ecological approach to this issue posits that elders, their families, and communities are closely intertwined, and need to be examined in relationship to one another. Issues such as race, ethnicity and culture of origin are part of this mix. Nevertheless, the family field, in particular, has been slow in examining the intersections between family, community supports and diversity. This paper highlights this phenomenon in order to spur an interest among scholars and practitioners in expanding this topic. Only with adequate scholarship and discussion will the appropriate delivery of much needed services to these culturally diverse elders and their families become a central component of the family field.

INTRODUCTIONThis article examines the interface of cultural adaptation patterns of intermarried couples and the socialization of children in a context of political conflict. The paper is derived from a broader investigation of identity change in intercultural marriages between Palestinian men and Western women (Ben Ezra, 2003), carried out in 2001-2002, during the second Intifada (an Arabic term used for the uprising of Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and West Bank against the Israeli military occupation of these territories). While cultural adaptation patterns of intermarried couples have been discussed in more detail by Roer-Strier and Ben Ezra (2006), this paper sheds tight on the interplay between child socialization, parental cultural adaptation patterns and macro-level variables such as the Israeli -Palestinian conflict.The Interface of Cultural Adaptation of Parents and Child Socialization in Multicultural FamiliesTraditionally, the enormous body of literature on child socialization has strongly emphasized the role of the parents. In more recent decades, socialization is no longer viewed as a one track venture, but rather as a multifaceted phenomenon including different levels of interactions. Ecological theory of child development (Bronfenbrenner, 1999) introduced the importance of macro-level influences. As the cognitive revolution took hold and learning theory (as related to socialization) was reformulated as cognitive social learning theory, the active role of children as participants in their own socialization was increasingly stressed. Currently, there is an increasing emphasis on the role of parents' and children's mutual perceptions and reciprocal understanding of each other's dispositions and intentions, as determinants of their influence upon one another (Maccoby, 1992, 2000). The sociology of childhood focuses on how children are affected by social changes in families, and by the growing diversity of families and cultural changes, such as those related to immigration (Corsaro, 2005).Children socialization in changing ecological contexts, with a focus on immigrant and minority groups, has been the topic of extensive investigation (Bornstein, 2002; Goodnow and Collins, 1990; Goodnow et al., 1995; Greenfield and Cocking, 1994; Harkness and Super, 1996; Kagitcibasi, 19%, 2003, 2006). Kagitcibasi (2006) calls for addressing the complexity ofthe interaction between parental socialization ideologies, the existing practices in diverse groups, and the cultural context. She notes that in researching children socialization, macro level variables-such as social policies toward immigration and the political context-is often neglected.Strier and Roer-Strier (2005) note the importance of examining both parents' views when socialization is studied. They suggest the case of intermarriage for furthering our understanding ofthe complexity ofthe interactions between macro level variances, cultural contexts and socialization. Researchers use the terms "multi-cultural families," "intercultural families," "intermarriage," "cross-ethnic intermarriages," "mixed marriages," and "crosscultural marriages" to identify a wide range of marital unions in which partners come from different countries or have different cultural, religious, or ethnic backgrounds (Breger and Hill, 1998a).Religious affiliation and ethnic identification are the recurrent key component that most of the literature examines when looking at children socialization in the context of intermarriages - and more often than not, the data is derived from census studies that focus on interfaith marriages between Jews and non- Jews in particular (see among others Larson and Munro, 1990; Mayer, 1985; Mayer and Shingold, 1979; Medding, Tobin, Barack-Fishman, and Rimor, 1992; Parelman-Judd, 1990) and interracial marriages between Afro- American and White partners (see among others Finnas and O'Leary, 2003; Katz, 1996; Root, 2001; Tizard and Phoenix, 1993; Qian, 2004). …

INTRODUCTIONScholarship on intimate relationships among Indians in the United States has a tradition of examining dating from an intergenerational lens that often privileges the first-generation (Helweg and Helweg, 1990; Leonard, 1997; Sheth, 2001 ; Srinivasan, 2001; Wakil, Siddique and Wakil, 1981). For first-generation Indians, dating is "nontraditional" (DasGupta and Dasgupta, 1998, p. 123), behavior and is often perceived as symbolizing a betrayal of the ethnic culture and identity in favor of an American one. This belief motivates attempts to restrict and limit the performance of dating by second-generation Indians. It is these stories that are privileged in the existing research. Less emphasized in the scholarship are the experiences of the second-generation with dating which involves their responses to the resistance they encounter within the Indian community. Additionally, the small but growing body of work documenting the lives of the second-generation often fails to examine their identities as Indian- Americans in the arena of dating, and merely explores their resistance to the restrictions of the first-generation (Dasgupta, 1998; Kallivayalil, 2004; Rangaswamy, 2000). In this paper, I postulate that dating as performed by second-generation Patels is a reflection of their bicultural identities as Indian/Patel-Americans. I thus seek to explore the interplay of bicultural identity and gender with dating among second-generation Patels in Florida.Indian/Patel- American bicultural identity as constructed and embraced by second-generation Patels is a fusion of Indian and American traits that they perform in all contexts. This paper finds that second-generation Patel-Americans have reconceptualized dating in the context of their bicultural identities. Accordingly, dating for Patel women and men involves not merely exploring their preferences in intimate partnering, but necessarily having a culminating end goal-namely marriage-binding it. Additionally, the interaction of bicultural identity with the gender structures of the Patel community contributes to the differential dating experiences of Patel women and men. This is predicated on the greater resistance Patel women encounter in their dating. Needless to say, Patel women and men are actively dating, and have devised myriad strategies to circumvent intergenerational conflict over their dating behavior. These are evinced in their partner selections, age of the onset of dating, secrecy in dating, utilization of particular semantics of dating and the creation of psychological boundaries between their dating and that of their American counterparts which will be elaborated upon in later sections of this paper.It is noteworthy to mention here that the existing scholarship on Indians in the United States uses as its main unit of analysis a homogenous category called "Indians." In so doing, the existing scholarship fails to sufficiently account for the heterogeneity and variety among Indians. Indians hail from diverse regional, linguistic and cultural backgrounds in India. The history and experiences of these different Indian ethnic groups in the United States also vary. This homogenizing of "Indians" has created a dearth in existing scholarship on specific Indian ethnic groups such as the Patels. By focusing on second-generation Patels in Florida, this paper addresses this gap in the research and contributes to a fuller conceptualization of Indians in the United States. The limited existing scholarship on the different ethnic Indian groups, has however required that this paper use extrapolations from research on Indians as a composite whole and apply them to the Patel experience in the United States.BACKGROUNDBicultural Identity and GenderBicultural identity as constructed and performed by second-generation Patels is a product of their adaptation to American society. As an immigrant group, Indians as a composite whole adapt to American society along the path of segmented assimilation wherein they achieve "rapid economic advancement with the deliberate preservation" (Portes and Zhou, 1993, p. …

INTRODUCTIONThe division of household labor is a source of dissatisfaction in many marriages (Glass & Fujimoto 1994; Rosenfield 1992). If household arrangements are viewed as inequitable, wives report lower levels of marital and personal happiness (Pina & Bengtson 1993), increased marital discord (Rogers & Amato 2000) and higher rates of depression (Bird 1999). As women begin to allocate more time to labor force participation, they come to expect more spousal involvement in household labor than they are currently receiving (Pyke & Coltrane 1996). However, women, including those in dual-earner households, perform twice-as-much housework as do men (Baxter 1997; Bianchi et al., 2000; Bird 1999). Although most couples have an unequal division of labor, few women perceive this inequality as unfair (Bianchi et al., 2000; DeMaris & Longmore 1996; Lennon & Rosenfield 1994). Research has focused on this paradox for women living in countries with high female labor force participation rates (Baxter 2000; DeMaris & Longmore 1996; Lennon & Rosenfield 1994; Nordenmark & Nyman 2003 ; Sanchez 1 994). Little is known about fairness and housework in low female labor force countries where women are more likely to be financially dependent on their husbands and thus expect husbands to participate less in household chores (Lennon & Rosenfield 1994; Sanchez & Thomson 1997); more dependent wives report greater fairness (Lennon & Rosenfield 1994). Thus, including both high and low female labor force participation countries provides an important comparison.This paper examines perceptions of fairness on the division of household labor for married women living in three countries - Sweden, the Netherlands, and Hungary - where women's disproportionate involvement in housework has been documented (Nordenmark & Nyman 2003; Panayotova & Brayfield 1997; van der Lippe 1994). Sweden is a country with high female labor force participation rates (Spain & Bianchi 1996) and strong governmental support for managing conflicts between work and family with generous parental leave and child care policies (Evertsson & Nermo 2004). Lacking policies to reconcile work and family, The Netherlands is a conservative welfare state that is considered a "part-time society" because of its high rates of part-time employment (Treas & Widmer 2000) . Despite a socialist legacy of female employment, Hungary remains a conservative society regarding gender roles (Haller & Hoellinger 1994) and has been identified as a "motherhood centered" society based on attitudes favoring mothers to stay home with pre-school aged children (Treas & Widmer 2000). These three countries also vary in their overall levels of societal gender equality with Sweden and the Netherlands being high and Hungary being low (UNDP 2002). These three countries were chosen strategically on the basis of their differing patterns of female labor force participation and gender equality, two contextual variables argued to be important for judgments of fairness of domestic arrangements.This study is distinct in two important ways. First, most previous research examines wives' perceptions of fairness in a single country applying one theoretical approach; this study tests two theoretical approaches to fairness, the distributive justice and relative resources perspectives, in three country contexts. Second, while previous studies have applied these theoretical approaches to countries with high female labor force participation, namely Sweden (Nordenmark & Nyman 2003) and the United States (DeMaris & Longmore 1996; Lennon & Rosenfield 1994), little is known about how these theoretical models apply to countries with lower female labor force participation rates where women lack the work-family time pressures that may generate dissatisfaction with husbands' contributions to household work. To test the theoretical models in countries with varying levels of female labor force participation and gender equality, this paper considers Sweden, the Netherlands and Hungary, three countries with different female labor force regimes and varying levels of societal gender equality. …

Social Change has transformed societies globally through the spread of education, the evolution of formal labor markets and the new roles individuals now play in the development of their societies. Just as economic institutions have been affected so have social institutions like the family, been transformed. Urbanization has led to the disintegration of the joint family to the independent, small, nuclear family. With residential autonomy and lack of control from the joint family elders, divorce rates have been rising universally. This paper studies the trend of Divorce in Kuwaiti Society. Kuwait is an oil rich Gulf state where rapid economic development has been witnessed for over four decades. Urbanization and the Governments’ Welfare policies have helped young married couples to move to new areas and establish their homes. While social allowances for wife, children, etc were intended to help the Kuwaiti family, cope with the rising cost of living, divorce rates did not decline. Through Vital Statistics, data from the court of Justice and past research, the paper tries to examine the characteristics of those getting divorced. What factors have had an effect on this trend - education, age at marriage, women’s labor force participation? How has the State attempted to help divorced women to readjust? Modernization has led to contradictions and challenges - weakening of the family support systems, legal reforms and a new awareness of rights and duties among the two sexes. How can these changes shed light on the problem of divorce? This study attempts to explain why divorce is a problem in Kuwait and some possible solutions to reduce the negative impact of divorce on future generations.

INTRODUCTIONIn most developing countries, research on fertility largely examines the causes and consequences of total fertility, either complete or incomplete. Less attention has been paid to the timing of births. Timing nonetheless, has been shown to have important effects on population growth, family finances, and women's roles in society (Wilkie, 1981). For example, a rapid first birth is associated with an increased likelihood of second and higher completed fertility (Millan and Hendershot, 1980; Trussel and Menken, 1987).This relationship appears to be robust and true even when controls for potential sources of spuriousness are present (Marini, 1981 ). Early childbearing also increases population growth rate (Pohlman, 1968).Studies on timing of births have mainly focused on timing of parenthood (or first birth). A few studies have examined the timing and relative risk of first and higher order births in traditional and developing countries (Dewit and Rajulton, 1992; Abdullah Khan and Raeside, 1998).This paper, therefore, presents an analysis of several, socio-economic and biological characteristics that may influence the relative risks and the timing of early births in Iran.In terms of overall objectives, this paper analyzes the determinants of first, second and third birth intervals in KAB province, Iran. The specific objectives are: (a) to discuss problems of model specification in birth interval analysis; (b) to examine the timing of first, second, and third birth intervals; and (c) to test the hypothesis that all important variations in fertility are captured by differences in marriage, breastfeeding, contraception, and induced abortion.The SettingBackground and Demographic ProfileThe province of KAB is located in the south-west mountainous region of Iran. According to the 1996 census, this province had a population of 550000, which account for 0.9 percent of Iran's population. In recent years, when the population totals of the latest census were released, the province attracted the attention of population scientists and policy makers due to substantial decreases in fertility during the 1986-1996 decade. The crude birth rate (CBR) dropped by 43 percent from 55.5 to 31.6 and total fertility rate (TFR) by 50.6 percent from 8.7 to 4.3. In Iran, CBR dropped by 60 percent from 49.6 to 20.5 and the TFR 59 percent from 7.1 to 2.96. (Iran Statistical Centre, 2000).Though fertility has declined substantially, the circumstances under which it has declined in a relatively less developed province are different from the rest of Iran. The nomadic way of life is still dominant in the area and the majority of people earn their living by raising cattle and doing traditional farming. Social structure is based on a well organized tribal system. The population is largely rural (61 percent), a small number of employed persons are in the manufacturing industry (4.2 percent), a low level female literacy rate (68 percent), and very young age at first marriage (17.3 years). Despite all of this, fertility has declined.Family Planning ProfileThe Imperial Government of Iran adopted a national family planning policy in 1966 and established an active family planning program in 1967. The population and family planning program (FPP) of Iran was launched in an environment that could hardly be regarded as favorable for its survival and success. The majority of the population, particularly those living in rural areas, was illiterate and highly tradition - bound. Infant mortality was high, about 110 per thousand (Iran Statistical Center, 1999), and due to the absence of a social security system most parents regarded high fertility not only of religious value but also as an insurance against potential loss of children and old age poverty. Most of the reform measures undertaken by the imperial government were rejected by religious leaders and political opponents.When the Islamic Revolution erupted in 1978, the family planning program was shut down and disbanded. …

INTRODUCnON The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a country comprising seven separate Emirates that originally came to great affluence due to the oil-boom in the region, and today continues its rapid social momentum with regards to socioeconomic and educational developments. It is considered a stable political region with a low crime rate and moreover is one that is progressive and liberal compared with many of its neighbours in the Arabian Gulf. Despite this however, little is known of the prevailing family life of Emirati families in this multicultural setting. Research on many topics is at a rudimentary stage in the region, particularly in the area of the broader social sciences where there is a great dearth in relation to understanding social trends as well as anthropological studies of modern-day life in the Emirates (Schvaneveldt et al., 2005: 82). Selected findings discussed in this paper were drawn from a pilot study that was in turn part of a larger qualitative foundation project seeking to explore the structure of Emirati families in the UAE, utilizing an ecological perspective. This paper covers the more limited topic of the perceptions of family in relation to gender norms and roles within the family. These are discussed in relation to the cultural and religious context of society, in addition to how these have been influenced by external social changes.

INTRODUCTIONInterracial marriages have been steadily increasing in the last few decades in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000; Lee and Edmonston, 2005), and are regarded by many as a sign of positive racial relations (Root, 2001; Qian and Lichter, 2001; Lee and Edmonston, 2005). One of me consequences of increased intermarriage is the rising numbers of American households that are headed by interracial couples with children who claim multiple racial heritages (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), but how intermarriage is associated with family resources is seldom reported. In their studies on interracial marriage in Hawaii, Fu and Heaton (1997, 1999 and 2000) found that intermarriage filtered individuals with either high SES or low SES across racial groups, leading to an unintended negative consequence on racial minorities because their high achievers tended to marry out. These studies, however, did not include income variables so that the association between selective intermarriage and family financial well-being was not directly analyzed.This paper attempts to examine the little discussed association between intermarriage and family financial well-being by including variables of family income and probabilities of living in poverty. The focus of this paper is not on intergroup mate selection, but on how existing marriages relate to family resources measured by income and poverty, and how this relationship might affect future generations. It is anticipated that family socioeconomic status is somewhat moderate for exogamous couples and families, but either high or low for endogamous couples and families, depending upon the race or ethnicity of the married couples.Analysis of intermarried couples and households in this paper is based on the 2000 PUMS 5% sample data from the state of Hawaii. Hawaii data are used to test the above assumptions for three reasons. First, intermarriage in Hawaii has become a norm rather than an exception (Nordyke, 1989; Fu and Heaton, 1997, 2000). It occurs between all groups in large scales, making it possible to examine the association between marriage type and family financial resources across many groups rather than just between Whites and a certain few minorities. Second, because of its relative prevalence, intermarriages in Hawaii are very similar to ingroup marriages in how spouses choose each other, and consideration of race in mate selection is relatively weak (Schoen and Thomas, 1988; Fu and Heaton, 2000). This enables us to examine status exchange in intermarriages similarly as in endogamous marriages. In other words, intermarriage in mainland states tends to occur among the more educated and the younger cohorts, while in Hawaii it spreads to all age groups and all social strata (Lee and Edmonston, 2005). Lastly, the assumptions to be tested in this study were originally based on intermarriages in Hawaii, and using Hawaii couples can directly verify if those assumptions receive empirical support.RACIAL GROUPS IN HAWAHThe Hawaii state population in 2000 was about 1.21 million; spread over 65 different single or multiple-race groups (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Most of these racial groups are very small, but four of them, Hawaiians, Whites, Japanese and Filipinos, are significantly larger than the rest. About 73% of all married households in the state in 2000 are between and within these four groups, accounting for 77.1% and 79.3% of all husbands and wives (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Because of their large proportions, intermarriage among these four groups determines the trends and patterns of mate selection in the state and serves as an indicator of how status is exchanged in the marriage market between couples in both endogamous and exogamous marriages. To avoid possible skewing effects caused by very small group sizes (Besanceney, 1965; Schoen, 1986), only these four groups will be included in this study.HawaiiansThe history of Hawaii can be divided into four major periods: antiquity, monarchy, colonial and statehood, traced back at least 1,500 to 1,700 years when Polynesians from the Marquesas Islands and Tahiti came to live in the Hawaiian islands and became the first Hawaiians, or Kanaka maoli (Handy and Craighill, 1965:24; Kuykendall and Day, 1961:6; Kodama-Nishimoto et al. …

Changes in farm work on Norwegian family farms have, since the 1950s, undergone a masculinisation process. Research has described how farming has become a business controlled by and executed by men, a process that has created ‘the farmer’ as a masculine label of occupation. This paper analyses data from surveys of farming couples in 1995 and 2002. The main objective in the paper is to test whether changes in men and women’s farm work can be described as a transition towards a one- person farm structure in Norway. The main hypothesis put forward is that men and women tend to specialise in either on-farm or off-farm work, and that their allocation of work time depends upon their educational training in agriculture, their interests in farm work, and the capacity of the farm to provide work for both partners. If this is the case we should moderate the hypothesis of masculinisation as a professionalisation among men into one-man farming, and opt for a gender-neutral professionalisation of farm work in Norwegian agriculture, where both men and women tend to specialise in farm work and their partners become their assistants. Our analyses do however support an ongoing masculinisation on farms operated by men; men do most farm work on their farms, and more so in 2002 than in 1995. The pattern is different on farms operated by women. Women are more likely to farm together with an active farming partner. A gender neutral professionalisation of Norwegian farmers was not identified.

INTRODUCTIONIn this paper we explore gender aspects of farm tourism. In many regions and countries tourism has become a valuable source of additional or alternative income as farming has encountered problems. As an alternative to farming, tourism is one component of the changes in agriculture and the countryside from productivism to post-productivism and multifunctionality. In these processes there is a reduced emphasis on food production and increased focus on non-agricultural pursuits such as recreation and consumption. Understanding tourism as a transformative cultural force, we will in this paper study the micro level of work and the gendered implications of the transformation of farm enterprises from food production to tourism, or from primary production to a service industry.While agricultural change has been studied intensively from a structural or top-down perspective, the shift in agency, identity and relationships of agricultural actors that may accompany structural changes, have remained largely unexplored (Burton and Wilson, 2006). There are, however, strong reasons to believe that micro-level consequences of agricultural change are varied and multi-faceted, and that they do not automatically follow in the same pattern as structural changes. In their study from the UK Burton and Wilson (2006) demonstrated that there is a temporal discrepancy between structural change and farm identity in that farmers are still dominated by productivist self-concepts despite post-productivist undertakings. This is very much in accordance with gender studies that have found the family farm discourse to be particularly persistent, the master narrative of men and women being that of the farmer and farmer's wife (Brandth, 2002). Despite much documentation on variations and changing practices of men and women in the wake of structural changes, gender differences are often considered as natural, and in agriculture, gender divisions seem particularly clear and direct.On the other hand, there are studies that have found 'traditional' farm identities to be influenced by post-productivist factors (Brandth and Haugen, 2005; Reed, 2003; Warn, 2006), and that gendered farm identities change in a way that incorporates old and new roles. In a study of forestry Brandth and Haugen (2005) noted that commodifying local natural and cultural resources makes it necessary for rural men to "look like local foresters/native rural dwellers, think like businessmen, and act like tourist hosts" (p. 19). Furthermore, studies have pointed out that rural tourism may represent a threat to local culture and occupational identities in the primary industry (Petrzelka et al., 2005), and that this in part may account for negative local attitudes towards change in general and tourism in particular. In their study of farmers who started tourism on their farms as an alternative source of income to agriculture, Busby and Rendle (2000) noticed that the farmers slowly divorced themselves from agriculture as revenue from tourism increased.The family farm is and has been the basic unit of agricultural production in most Western countries. In contrast to most modern forms of work organisation, this is a form in which work and power are based on a heterosexual partnership. The gendering of family farming has been the object of much research over the last couple of decades (see reviews by Brandth, 2002; Little and Panelli, 2003). Its patriarchal gender hierarchy and its valuing of the masculine over what is understood as feminine, have made women and women's work invisible and belittled (Alston, 1995; O'Hara, 1998; Haugen, 1998). The relations of production in which women work (the patriarchal household) have been seen as explanations of why their work is often dismissed as domestic (Whatmore, 1991). When the distinctions between productive and reproductive areas are blurred as they are for women in family farming, the definition of work in terms of paid work has not turned out to farm women's advantage. …

In a report to the United Nations in 1980, Japan claimed that no minority groups existed within its borders (Weiner, 1997). The Japanese perceive themselves as an ethnically homogeneous society (see lie, 2001). Despite the government's effort to portray Japan as homogeneous, several minority groups clearly reside in this nation, such as Koreans, Chinese, Burakumin, Ainu, Okinawans, and more recently immigrants from Brazil and Peru. This paper focuses on the group commonly referred to as Burakumin or the Buraku people. Through an analysis of government statistics, questionnaire data, and interview data, I will examine intermarriages between Buraku and non-Buraku people. Specifically, I rely upon 37 Buraku/ non-Buraku intermarried couples as a case study of marriage patterns impacting a minority group in Japan. The main question I address is why intermarriage rates remain comparatively low for a group that is physically indistinguishable from the rest of the population.This paper is divided into five sections. The first section highlights the history of the Buraku people: what makes them a "visible" minority group and how the government has dealt with them. The second section uses published reports of government surveys to highlight key patterns and trends among Buraku/non-Buraku couples, such as marriage discrimination and differences by gender and age. The third section outlines Kalmijn's (1998) integrative model, which outlines three social factors that help us understand increasing intermarriage rates between Burakumin and other Japanese: (1) preferences of marriage candidates, (2) third parties, and (3) marriage market constraints. The fourth section explains the methods used to obtain and analyze the data. The final section uses each of the three social factors to illustrate intermarriage patterns and trends among the Buraku people. In conclusion, I suggest that this paper's findings have implications for intermarriage more broadly, and also suggest future directions for researching intermarriage among the Buraku people.BACKGROUNDBefore examining the background of the Buraku people, the following vignette from the indepth interviews (one of the 37 couples) illustrates the types of issues Burakumin and non-Burakumin face when they decide to intermarry.Hiroko and Kenichi KimuraHiroko and Kenichi, both in their mid-40s, married each other in 1984 when they were both 22. They first met in an integrated Buraku/non-Buraku middle school located near a Buraku area in the suburbs of Osaka. Most of the Buraku students go on to a nearby integrated high school after graduating from middle school. Although Kenichi and his parents did not want him to go to the integrated Buraku high school, they had no options after Kenichi failed his entrance exam, which would have admitted him to a better high school. Hiroko and Kenichi started seeing each other in middle school and continued to see each other in high school. Hiroko called Kenichi's house frequently and even met his parents several times. Hiroko figures that Kenichi's parents found out that she was a Burakumin because her father is a well-known Buraku liberation movement leader in the area. From the time they started dating, Hiroko had doubts about the relationship: "There were times when I really didn 't want to put up with everything, and there were times when I wondered if he was the right person for me. I thought about this quite a bit from the time I met him until the time we got married. But more importantly, I kept thinking that if I can't explain [the essence of what it means to be Burakumin] to my boyfriend and make him understand, then who can I explain it to? So, it was more than just the fact that I liked him, but my own pride and stubbornness kept me from giving up."After graduation, Kenichi eventually went to work for Hiroko's parents at a butcher shop and Hiroko went to a junior college. They saw little of each other except on weekends. …

INTRODUCTIONThe elderly as an outcome of ageing is, at this time, a world - widephenomenon, rapidly being affected in different regions, at different levels ofintensity, with far-reaching consequences. This paper has found out how family affects the elderly, i.e. their lives, functioning, health, well -being and their stand on the whole. It has also explored social policies impact on ageing population, and how in Asia, currently, its perspective is. What will happen, in few years' time, as an increase of the elderly will be much more dramatic in the less developed regions of that country, where the older population will be multiplied more than nine times, (from 171 million in 1998 to 1,594 million in 2050 in general) (IAG: 2001/ Far/[white square]/Lat/). A larger part of the incidence was related to Asia. In such a scenario, family and functional social policies should play an effective part. Similarly, as the ageing rate in Asia is rapid, developing countries in the region will have less time to adapt themselves to the consequences as their population is growing older and older. Though in the last few years a number of countries in the region started becoming increasingly concerned to formulate social policies responding to the basic changes resulting from the ageing phenomenon of their population, there is still muchmore to be done, and a longer way to go through. Information, knowledge and skillsare required to deal with the problem. As challenges among Asian countries are innumerable, in three decades ahead, trained personnel at all levels are required to tackle with the emerging issue.This paper discusses a development trend for ageing population in Asia, and the inevitable rise of the elderly. Further implications of ageing population in the region related to the economic and social development of it, are features to be discussed as well as the current status and future development of the ageing in Asia. Simultaneously, possible policies necessary to tackle with the phenomenon, is also discussed. So, as China is the largest part of Asia, its elderly population, people of sixty years old and over, are growing faster than any part of the world (IAG: 2001), what poses considerable problems and challenges: need of adequate social policies, better family arrangements and supervision to support the elderly. Ageing in Asia is increasing rapidly and so it is the dependency ratio of the aged, a phenomenon that is appearing as a major social problem. Basic general measures to be adopted, in order to solve the emerging problems in the region, would be as follows: to establish a social support system, to keep family active function on the elderly supporting, to encourage their social participation in addition to improve the community-based social services active and operational towards the elderly.Elderly and SocietyRelationship between the elderly and society is becoming very complicated in modern times. As a series of social problems are caused by a constant on aged population increase. Regular investigations and inquiries are necessary to be made to solve problems between the elderly and society. If not so, society would not be able to function smoothly. In other words, society social development depends on the functional relationship between these two groups.Through active and functional social policies, some of the Asian countries have improved their areas of health, vitality, longevity, social and psychological welfare, family solidarity, good quality of life for their senior citizens at their best possibilities. Some of these steps include stimulation of the elderly independence and active way of living. Those countries have tried to build up humane and positive attitudes towards the elderly people self-esteem and further respect, so that they would feel better as being members of society at their retirement period. Now it is more important to pay attention to the rural elderly, and generally speaking to a social gerontology in the region. …

INTRODUCTIONThe most vexed problem in Russia in the decade (1991-2001) became a reduction of real money incomes and an increased inequality. Households had to make a choice of labor application (market work1, non-market work, non-declared or hidden paid work) to maintain the earlier achieved material well being, or to adapt to its deterioration.The increased inequality is reflected in official data: while in 1991 Gini coefficient had been 0.260, by 1994 grew to 0.409 (GOSKOMSTAT, 2003a, p.141, p.155), and during the last decade it remained very high: 0.387 in 19%; 0.399 in 1998; 0.400 in 1999; 0.398 in 2002 and 0.402 in 2003 (UNDP, 2004, p.57). The redistribution of state assets to the private sector, privatization of extraction industries and withdrawal of natural rent, unemployment appearance and reduction of state subsidies on social purposes, liberalization in wage regulation - all of these facts caused social polarization in incomes.Although since 2000 the per capita gross of domestic product (GDP) has been growing (Fig. 1), industrial output has failed to reach its pre-reform level (GOSKOMSTAT, 2003a, p.660-664). In 1998 it fell to a half of the level it was in 1990. The growth after stress (135% from 1998 to 2002) has not restored the level of 1990, only two thirds of the industrial pre-reform output was made. Only in 2003 the real monetary incomes of the population have exceeded the level of 1997.A peculiarity of this period is the increased poverty from part of the workable-age population. Against the background of the traditional poverty of one-parent families and families with many children, invalid and elderly people, a new group was formed - the poor employed group. When we compare the 1990 level, the real wage size in 1998 made only 44 %, and in 2002 - 59 % (Fig. 1). The legal rate of wage is such that it does not allow workers, in many industries, to have a decent legal payment, and even this payment is often delayed. In particular, according to the data from Russian Center of Welfare Research, in 1999 54% of Russian workers had a wage below the official minimal living standard (RCWR 2000,45). Under a low purchasing power of wages the_workers are unable to provide the minimum consumption for themselves and for their children.The objective of this paper is to analyze the ways of Russians' adaptation during the period of socio-economic transformations (reforms started in 1991). Our study aims at showing the changes in the material position and family labor sharing of households after the financial crisis in 1998, with a special consideration on the women's role in human development. The availability of the unique obtained data on duration of paid and unpaid work time in 1996 and 1998, for all household members, at a national level, allows us to give a profound consideration to comparing the data on work expenditures during those years, when development was interrupted by degradation.Theoretical backgroundThree methodological statement keys are important in the context of this paper. The first one are ideas stated within the theory of time allocation by Gary Becker (1965); the second one is a recognition of women's unpaid work as a special contribution to the economy; the third one is a new way of understanding the human development elaborated within the United Nations Development Program (UNDP).Human development concept is centered on human being: the real nations' wealth are the people. Development is not understood as a solely progressive process; under the influence from many factors, potential development opportunities in a particular country or region can either expand or narrow it. Non-uniformity of development is also seen, in that choice, such as opportunities increasing in one direction, which may go in parallel with the contraction of resources in another direction. It is declared that women's social well being is rather important for society's steady and conflict-free development. …

INTRODUCTIONDespite extraordinary diversity across sub-Saharan Africa1, early dominant models of traditional marriage in many societies of the continent stressed several key components. These included, inter alia, almost universal marriage for both sexes; early marriage especially for women; a large age difference between spouses; prompt remarriage for widowed and divorced women of reproductive age; and polygyny (Kayongo-Male and Onyango, 1984; National Research Council, 1993; van de Walle, 1993). However, from the 1970s a large part of the continent began to experience significant transformations in nuptiality patterns, reflected mainly in the increase in age at first marriage for women, a decrease in the age difference of spouses and a slight increase in the amount of time spent out of marriage during adult years (Hertrich, 2002; van de Walle, 1993).In the same vein, census results in Botswana have revealed a clear-cut trend of increasing proportions of the never-married population and decreasing proportions of those evermarried (that is, the married, separated, divorced and widowed) over the last three decades (see Mokomane, 2004:84). The decreasing prevalence of marriage suggested by these trends is further reaffirmed by the steady increase in the mean age at first marriage which increased from 24 years in 1971 to 26 years in 1981 to 28 years in 1991 among females; the corresponding figures for males being 29.4,30.8 and 30.8 years respectively.Among the population currently in union, a notable observation from the census results is that while the proportion of married people was greatly decreased during the 1991-2001 intercensal period, the proportion of those who cohabit (live together without being married) clearly increased for both males and females. The purpose of this paper is to assess how the prevalence of current cohabitation in Botswana compares with that of other African countries and to explore the main plausible macro-level factors that may have shaped Botswana's cohabitation patterns.DATAAn important and the best available source of internationally comparable data for the present purposes is the series of Demographic Health Surveys (DHS)2. The DHS program is a worldwide project initiated and funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and implemented by Macro International Inc. to provide data and analysis on the population, health and nutrition of women and children in developing countries (DHS, 2003). With particular focus on the period from 1990 onwards, and on women aged 15-49 years (the age and sex to which most of the surveys are restricted), this paper utilises data on the respondents' current marital status, in which never married, married, living together, divorced, separated and widowed were the standard categories. The data were obtained from the Internet at the DHS website, http://www.measuredhs.com. using its STAcompiler tool, which the website describes as:An innovative online database tool that allows users to select numerous countries and hundreds of indicators to create customized tables that serve their specific data needs. The STATcompiler accesses nearly all of the population and health indicators that are published in DHS final reports... (DHS, 2003)It is important to highlight that although the data were collected in a comparable manner in all countries, the widely differing cultural norms and practices regarding formation and dissolution of unions have affected the way in which these respondents reported their marital status (Westoff et al., 1994:2). This is particularly so given the well-documented multiplicity of conceptualisations and definitions of marriage (which has a direct effect on the definition of living together or cohabitation) in sub-Saharan Africa (Hertrich, 2002; Meekers, 1990). Nonetheless, the data provide an adequate picture of the current prevalence of cohabiting unions in Botswana relative to other sub-Saharan African countries. …

This paper documents trends in and examines determinants of stay-at-home motherhood in urban China from 1982 to 2015. China once had the world’s leading female labor force participation rate. Since the economic reforms starting from the early 1980s, however, some mothers have been withdrawing from the labor force due to diminished state support, a rise in intensive parenting, and heightened work-family conflicts. Based on data from the 1982, 1990, and 2000 Chinese censuses, the 2005 mini-census, and the 2006–2015 Chinese General Social Survey, we find mothers’ non-employment increased for every educational group and grew at a much faster rate among mothers than it did among fathers, particularly those with small children. Moreover, the negative relationships between mothers’ education and non-employment, and between mothers’ family income and non-employment weakened overtime. This is possibly due to women with more established resources can better “afford” the single-earner arrangement and also more emphasize the importance of intensive parenting, than their less resourced counterparts. These findings signal the resurgence of a gendered division of labor in urban China.

This study was a point of departure for future research on the need for a coherent understanding and knowledge of parenting in Bangladesh. This article presents the findings from an integrative research review on parenting in Bangladesh. A comprehensive search conducted in PubMed, Science Direct, and PsychINFO using the keywords “parenting”, “childcare”, “motherhood”, “fatherhood”, “mothering”, “fathering”, each paired with “Bangladesh” yielded 246 articles. Twenty papers published between 2006 and 2018 were selected for thematic analysis based on pre-set criteria. In most studies, the term mother was used interchangeably with parent, with mothers regarded as the primary caregiver. Parenting in the Bangladeshi context was found to be conceptualized primarily in terms of attitudes, disciplinary practices, feeding, parent–child interaction, and psychosocial stimulation. Parenting components aimed at moral development and attachment building in children were underrepresented. The data revealed largely inconsistent and uncoordinated discussions of parental practices, demonstrating the lack of a holistic approach in the literature in Bangladesh. Research on parenting in Bangladesh favors gendered assumptions of females as the primary caregiver. Based on their findings, the authors recommend qualitative studies to better reflect and conceptualize the concept of parenting in Bangladesh.

This paper is an attempt to study the current size and structure of family according to different socio-demographic and economic characteristics of the households in India and its states. Data are obtained from the National Family Health Survey conducted in 1998-99 which covered a representative sample from 26 states in the country. Results suggest that the proportion of nuclear family households in 1998-99 increased relatively in both urban (9 per cent) and rural areas (12 per cent) as compared to that in 1981. The mean family household size in India is 5.24 and it varies by the type of family and the demographic development of the state. This paper tests several socio-demographic hypotheses posed in the context of changing family structure and indicates that caste alone does not determine the joint family system. Rather, the jointness in a family depends on the standard of living and the agricultural land owning status of households in the country.