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Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western reactions to China's increasing investment in a number of countries in Africa, as well as Chinese counter-reactions, are often conceptualised as symptoms of a 'honey pot' conflict. Such an impression stems from viewing contemporary African development as a 'new scramble' for the continent's natural resources. However, the study critically unpacks these claims in various fundamental ways, demonstrating how it is untenable. Objections are based on a brief survey of Chinese discourses regarding Western criticism as well empirical objections based on the supposedly 'conflictual' cases of Angola and Sudan, where one in fact finds mutual toleration between the West and China. These realities contradict the assumptions of a honey pot conflict. The study concludes with the alternative proposition that any Sino-Western conflict can be more aptly described as partly self-interest driven, but at the same time normative, and is related to Western concerns about a 'spoiler' role played by China in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has, in the past decade or so, emerged as an important contributor to United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, with Chinese peacekeepers serving in places as diverse as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Liberia and Sudan. Indeed, China currently sends more peacekeeping troops abroad than any other permanent member of the UN Security Council. This is a major development in Sino-African relations. China's stance on peace operations is closely tied to its attitude on state sovereignty and this limits the type of interventions that Beijing is prepared to sanction vis-a-vis its role in peacekeeping missions. Yet it appears that Chinese policy in this regard is evolving. This study discusses why and how China's role in peacekeeping in Africa has played out and the likely directions this is to take in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sourcing sufficient supplies of energy to meet rapidly growing domestic demand is a major challenge for both China and India. The choices these two giants have made to meet that challenge in recent years will have long-term repercussions for the rest of the world. Although efforts to join forces in a global search for energy security are unlikely to overcome deeply ingrained Indian suspicions of China, both countries have already signed a series of energy co-operation agreements indicating the two states are seeking each other as strategic partners. This study provides an overview of the incentives for Sino-Indian co-operation in satisfying domestic oil demands. It will also examine the implications of such collaboration on regional and global orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beijing's political 'charm offensive' in Africa has ostensibly made China a major player on the continent. The source of this success in China's African policy is sometimes seen in China's political and economic 'attractiveness'. It is true that China is building a positive image targeted to the audience in Africa, promoting for example the vision of 'win-win' mutual economic benefits from cooperation. This endeavour is close to the concept of 'soft power'. However, soft power is about dynamic relationships between an agent and the subject of attraction. Hence, the general growth of Chinese soft power and its success depends not only on whether China can sell its image to African states, but also whether African states are willing to buy this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the impact of China's rise in Africa on the European Union (EU). Contrary to conventional wisdom, it argues that the EU's renewed interest in Africa is not the result of China's new assertiveness in the continent, but is a consequence of the EU's ambitions to become an influential global actor and the consequent search for a more coherent external policy. Africa, thus, represented an ideal venue in which different EU actors could simultaneously pursue traditional development goals together with new political objectives. Moreover, the existence of three competing visions within the EU negatively affected its ability to constructively engage with China: the European Commission sought to affirm the EU's aspiration to become an influential global actor; the European Parliament projected its preference for a value-based development policy, blended with paternalistic overtones; the Council of the European Union was driven more by the emotional reactions of some member states, who did not want to lose their position as Africa's main reference point. Unsurprisingly, the result has been a confused message, which China has found hard to follow, never mind Africa, since they were not effectively involved in the process and were sceptical about the whole idea of 'trilateral cooperation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to shed more light on the consequences of China's aid to and trade with African states. It attempts to answer two questions: First, does China's 'no-strings-attached' policy in Africa constitute a challenge to Western aid paradigms? Second, is there as an emerging state-sponsored Chinese model of 'effective governance', guided by a south-south vision of mutuality, equality and reciprocity at work? It is argued that China's Africa watchers are cautious, not wanting to project any false hopes into bilateral relationships with African countries. In the light of China's reform experience, these analysts propose that indigenous contexts should determine what developmental model to choose. China is unwilling to force its experiences of 'a market economy with Chinese characteristics' upon other nations. The article concludes by arguing that, although not unproblematic, there is reason to be positive about China's higher profile in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]