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Teach For All (TFAll) is global network of programs based on Teach For America. Since 2007, TFAll has spread to more than 60 countries and had a considerable impact on educational policy across educational jurisdictions. Scant research, however, has examined 'shadow' programs based on this model but unaffiliated with TFAll, such as Teach For Taiwan (TFT). This paper engages in a critical policy analysis of TFT and examines both its emergence and (mis)alignment with educational policy. Our analysis first highlights the inspiration and support TFT has drawn from TFAll and its affiliate programs, despite its unofficial status. The paper then examines how TFT is aligned strategically with recent policy shifts toward deregulation in Taiwanese education. We also find that TFT is misaligned with key educational structures, including the national salary scale for teachers and teacher education system, resulting in a new category of transient teachers who are uniquely positioned in the teaching roles they assume but largely unable to continue teaching beyond TFT. We argue that more attention within education policy studies should focus on the impacts of (un)official TFAll programs – particularly given their disproportionate power and positioning to effect global educational change – and their (mis)alignments with national systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the flexibilisation of teachers' employment relations in England in the context of an accelerated deregulation of work and employment conditions and of educational provision. It brings to light a contrasted picture, where external flexibilisation, through the recruitment of unqualified teachers, seems to be contained by a mixture of diverse but convergent interests and norms from the State, teacher unions and employers. Meanwhile, forms of internal flexibilisation (regarding working time, pay, and job boundaries and workplaces) appear to be more pervasive. This raises fundamental questions about the meaning of 'standard' employment relations in the teaching sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the commercialisation of Social and Emotional Learning (SEL) in Australian schools. Specifically, it focuses on understanding why teachers value commercial resources, and how they enact these in their classrooms. Theorising around teacher agency suggests teachers are now choosing to use a range of commercial resources and view these as important additions to their pedagogical toolbox. Teachers want high quality resources, and they prefer resources that are easy to import, scaffold and modify according to their specific needs. Teachers did not readily see the benefit of a prescriptive SEL program. Instead, they wanted multiple resources that they could pick and choose the best bits from. Our data suggests that teachers are not being seduced by commercialisation and the ‘easy fix’ it promises, but are in fact presenting as agentic professionals who care deeply about students’ social and emotional wellbeing and are working to tailor bespoke learning experiences to meet the needs of their students within their specific school contexts. We argue that it is worth nuancing the critique about commercialisation offered in the literature to date, and suggest that commercialisation is not inherently bad, rather it is the ‘intensity’ of commercialisation that needs to be regulated and further investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of an emerging national framework of continuing professional development (CPD), teachers in Scotland will soon have a series of professional standards relating to key stages of their professional lives: initial teacher education; induction; chartered teacher; and headship. This paper examines the processes and procedures used to develop two of these standards - the Standard for Full Registration (SFR) and the Standard for Chartered Teacher (SCT). It focuses particularly on the consultation procedures adopted with a view to identifying where the respective power and influence lies, and the extent to which the two developments can be seen to be part of a planned and coherent framework of CPD. Data from elite interviews and critical discourse analysis of both published and unpublished documents are used in analysing official accounts of the policy process as well as the underlying power governing its development. The paper concludes that the policy focus of the CPD framework limits the opportunity for members of the education community to consider alternative conceptions of teaching and education outwith a standards-based approach. It is argued that this approach allows for greater government control of the teaching profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A lack of esteem for teachers and the teaching profession is a central tenet underpinning policy reforms put forward by the 2010 UK Government White Paper ‘The Importance of Teaching’. This article argues that the policy problem and solutions presented in the White Paper lack awareness of the historical and social positioning of teaching. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 32 London-based secondary teacher training students from various social class and ethnic backgrounds, this paper asks how the profession is perceived and what sort of choice it is for the trainees. It employs a Bourdieusian lens and concepts of social and cultural capital to examine the interplay of gendered, classed and ‘raced’ biographies in relation to individuals’ decisions to become teachers. Understanding the social world as ‘accumulated history’, as Bourdieu does, stresses that experiences and outcomes are rooted and collected in a series of historical structures and functionings. The paper argues that the ambiguous status of the profession is both a function and an effect of its conceptualisation as feminised. It also asks whether the weak professional standing of teaching has further destabilising consequences in the present political moment where a string of neoliberal and neoconservative policy reforms reshape the profession. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Our aim in this paper is to examine how standards-based reforms (SBRs) relating to teachers and teaching are being constituted in Australia and the US. Our focus is not the specific impacts of these policies as enacted practices in schools or teacher training institutions, but rather the dynamics of policy production, with a specific focus on how federally-driven policies have been assembled in each country. Bringing together the notion of 'global forms' with the dual concepts of 'political rationality' and 'political technology' from governmentality studies, we consider SBRs as a global techno-scientific form that coheres at the level of political rationality and which can be abstracted across contexts, but which also manifests in unique place-specific assemblages of political technologies. The global form of SBRs thus represents the logics by which policymakers may attempt to align and create commonality across systems in the search for standardisation, even if this can never be fully realised in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on recently adopted methods for teacher evaluation are largely focused on issues of validity and pay less attention to the consequences of implementation for the everyday practices of teaching and learning in schools. This paper draws on an ethnographic case-study to argue that the joint tasks demanded by neoliberal teacher evaluation policies structure interactions among teachers and between teachers and administrators in ways that erode professional culture. Implications for policymakers, school leaders, and teachers are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at providing a theoretical and empirical discussion on the concept of pedagogisation which derives from the hypothesis of a new era of 'totally pedagogised society' in Basil Bernstein's work. The article is based on empirical research on higher education policy, with a focus on the implementation of curriculum change policy in French universities. Observations provided by this research show that current orientations of policy, such as efficiency-oriented policy discourses and quality-assurance mechanisms, entail social effects on the organisation of work in universities towards pedagogisation, that is the positioning of the University itself and of its agents into pedagogic relations. Pedagogisation refers to the establishment of a certain type of social relation which involves an attempt to modify the sociocognitive and practical frameworks of social agents engaged in practice. The paper argues that the concept proves to have a descriptive potential in how power relations and social control operate within processes of policy implementation. First, it provides understanding of how categories of reform circulate from official policy discourse to local practices. Second, it enables to consider consequences on communication and social relations between agents/agencies, especially in regards to the conditions of their participation and contribution in the construction of the higher education debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explicates the elements of several policy instruments used in Connecticut, the political conditions under which they were chosen, and their intended targets and expected effects on teacher quality and student learning. The purpose of the paper is to explain how the Connecticut General Assembly (CGA) and the Connecticut State Department of Education (CSDE) were able to implement and sustain a set of integrated policies related to teaching and learning over a 20-year period from 1985 to 2005. We argue that this occurred for three primary reasons. First, the state legislature combined changes in teacher certification requirements in the 1980s with significant increases in teacher salaries in order to build strong political support among teachers and teacher union leaders for the new requirements. Second, in the 1980s and 1990s, CGA and CSDE repeatedly combined policy instruments in ways that involved multiple stakeholders and strong elements of capacity-building, thereby increasing their likelihood of success. Third, several policies enacted in Connecticut in the 1990s were directly connected to and strongly reinforced each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the trajectory of New Labour education policy since the formation of the first New Labour government in 1997. During that time the policy discourse has moved from a position of individualized school improvement through competition, to one where there is an emphasis on ‘partnership’ and ‘collaboration’ as key mechanisms for improvement. We note, however, that ‘specialism’, ‘diversity’ and ‘choice’ are still key components of policy and that ‘partnership’ often denotes a deficit model, with more successful schools supporting (or in some cases taking over) less successful ones. Although there are the beginnings of a recognition that social class and social deprivation are factors which make achievement at school more problematic, generally New Labour policy has not attempted to alleviate the tendency to social polarization which has emerged as a result of school choice policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three distinct discourses frame this paper: 'new public managerialism', new modes of governmentality, and new masculinities and femininities. This paper considers the changing forms of governance in projects of educational professionalism emerging in the nested contexts of teaching, teacher training, and academic research within departments of education. It takes the production of the subject position of the manager/wo-manager as central to managerialist regimes theorized as provoking and potentiating modes of recruitment, refusal, and mis/recognition. It illustrates this through a heuristic relational schemata constituted by the dominance of the managerialist--audit gaze. Taking a theoretically similar but methodologically different (i.e. non-empirical) approach (or liberty?), one understands subject positions like Prichard and Deem, as produced 'through a series of discursive or communicative practices' realized in different 'conditions of possibility'. The notion of 'communicative practice' was also put under scrutiny, given the monovocal as opposed to the dialogic nature of audit: 'Audit is essentially a relationship of power between scrutinizer and observed: the latter are rendered objects of information, never subjects in communication'. 1 One is, thus, interested in the ubiquity of the 'managerialist subject position' as a limit condition for the professional self and how gender gets reworked within this. One is aware that the paper slides across the domains of teaching, teacher training, and academic and professional work identities. It is not presented as an orthodox 'labour process' account, neither is it a conventional sociological reading of 'professionalism'. The authors wish to deliberately keep open the possibilities provided by this lack of specificity through exercising the sociological imagination. The following is best considered an experiment in social critique deriving from a post-structuralist methodological stance. The aim is to capture through metaphorical means the temperature and tempo of some experiential dimensions of the gendered regulation of educational subjectivities, thought as a central psychosocial feature of the 'domaining effect' of audit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical policy scholars have increasingly turned their attention to: (1) the work of policy actors engaged in globalised and globalising processes of policy formation, (2) the global flows or movements of education policies across multifaceted, hybrid networks of public–private agencies, and (3) the complex politics of global–national policy translation and enactment in local school contexts. Scholars have emphasised firstly, the economic turn in education reform policies, a shift from a social democratic education orientation and secondly, policy convergence towards a dominant neoliberal political agenda. This paper suggests that Bernstein’s concepts of the totally pedagogised society (TPS) and the pedagogic device, as the ensemble of rules for the production, recontextualisation and evaluation of pedagogic discourses may add to this corpus of critical policy scholarship. It does this by firstly reviewing the take up of Bernstein’s concept of the TPS in the critical policy sociology literature, arguing that this interpretation presents a largely dystopian account of globalising educational policies. In contrast, the paper argues for and presents an alternative open-ended reading and projection of Bernstein’s concept of the TPS and pedagogic device for thinking about globalised processes and devices of the pedagogic communication of knowledge(s). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This is the first paper from a project which is part of the Economic and Social Research Council's programme of research into 'Teaching and learning'. The project, entitled 'The impact of policy on learning and inclusion in the new learning and skills sector', explores what impact the efforts to create a single learning and skills system are having on teaching, learning, assessment and inclusion for three marginalized groups of post-16 learners. Drawing primarily on policy documents and 62 in-depth interviews with national, regional and local policy-makers in England, the paper points to a complex, confusing and constantly changing landscape. In particular, it deals with the formation, early years and recent reorganization of the Learning and Skills Council (LSC), its roles, relations with government, its rather limited power, its partnerships and likely futures. While the formation of a more unified learning and skills system is broadly seen as a necessary step in overcoming the fragmentation and inequalities of the previous post-16 sector, interviewees also highlighted problems, some of which may not simply abate with the passing of time. Political expectations of change are high, but the LSC and its partners are expected to carry through 'transformational' strategies without the necessary 'tools for the job'. In addition, some features of the learning and skills sector policy landscape still remain unreformed or need to be reorganized. The LSC and its partners are at the receiving end of a series of policy drivers (e.g. planning, funding, targets, inspection and initiatives) that may have partial or even perverse effects on the groups of marginalized learners we are studying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which a culture of performance has impacted on schooling in the English setting and draws parallels with other post-industrializing nations. There is a growing awareness amongst researchers and practitioners that improving the quality of teaching and learning through performance management is not working. In education policy terms the UK Government has made much of the importance of modernizing the teaching profession in raising levels of achievement, attainment, and success in schools and colleges. The proposed trade-off for teachers is improved pay for improved standards. Advocates of such reform point to the benefits derived from greater devolution of market principles to frontline professionals which, it is argued, enhance performance, remuneration, and motivation (Barber 2001). Critics, on the other hand, have criticized the deprofessionalizing tendency of tying performance management to government targets, which fail to connect with the contextual realities of teaching and learning in the classroom or education workplace (Elliott 2001, Merson 2001). Recently such criticism was rejected by the (then) Secretary of State for Education as cynicism. 'In education it is those who offer cynicism in the guise of experience who can drive young teachers to look for other careers. We shall always try to combat cynicism wherever it threatens progress on standards' (Morris 2001: 9). This paper seeks to avoid such reference by arguing for greater authenticity in the way education practice might drive, rather than being driven by the policy and performance agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by providing an overview of the UK's national key skills agenda, with a view to placing in context the subsequent description of the formulation and implementation of a skills policy by a traditional, research led university, namely Queen's University Belfast. The paper is written from the perspective of two members of academic staff who spent two years on part-time secondment as Skills Development Officers. We outline how a number of small-scale investigative projects informed our thoughts and decisions, how aspects of management and internal politics influenced the formulation or a university skills policy, and how a series of initiatives evolved that were aimed at supporting staff and students in implementation of that policy. We conclude that while external pressures to explicitly develop students' key skills within higher education are intense, restitutions need to reflect more on the implications of any policies and strategies for implementation they impose upon their staff. Within traditional institutions progress can be slow, with the pace of change influenced not only by the level off support and drive from senior management, but also dependent upon the knowledge, experience, energy and enthusiasm of academic 'champions' who have a balanced view' of the skills agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both feminism and quality assurance movements have attempted to deconstruct and reconstruct the academy. Both have called for more transparency in procedures, accountability from elite professional groups and the privileging of the student experience. Both are globalized systems calling for transformation. However, it is questionable as to whether these two forces for change can form strategic alliances, or whether indeed they are in oppositional relationship. As a dominant regime of power in the UK academy today, quality assurance both exposes the micropolitics of gendered power in organizations and creates its own structures and systems of power. Quality assurance is part of the modernization process of the public services. However, gender equity is not a performance indicator in UK quality audits. In this paper, I interrogate the gendered implications of quality assurance, with particular reference to the assessment of teaching and learning in the UK (the Quality Assurance Agency's Subject Review). Drawing on empirical data and conceptual critiques, I will argue that quality assurance, as a regime of power, is gendered in its conception and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the neoliberal influences on ‘Port City Schools’ (PCS) unique district-wide extended learning time (ELT) initiative. Despite the recent popularity of ELT in urban schools, there have been few qualitative studies that question how stakeholders make sense of ELT on the ground. This research fills that gap in the literature by exploring ELT programming across PCS’s choice and neighborhood K-8 schools. The interview and observation data reveal an inherent tension between ‘more time is better’ in the enrichment-filled choice schools and ‘less is more’ in the intervention-filled neighborhood schools. Findings illuminate the ways in which school choice, neighborhood segregation, and high stakes testing push the district to use ELT to boost test scores in the lower performing neighborhood schools, while the choice schools are given flexibility in ELT programming because they are meeting expectations for student success. Because neoliberalism fails to take into account the strong relationship between test scores and socio-economics and school choice and segregation, it leads to a cycle of inequality in which children in the choice schools receive a well-balanced curriculum and children in the neighborhood schools get test preparation during ELT. Fixing this system could fix inequalities in ELT programming across all schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the individual academic is all but absent from the assumptive worlds of policymakers in UK higher education. It is taken for granted in research on academic identity that those who work in higher education as teachers and researchers refer to themselves as, and indeed are referred to by others as, 'academics'. Evidence is drawn from a study of policymakers in the UK to demonstrate that the word 'academic' is not a part of the lexicon of higher education policymaking. Moreover, the concept of the academic is cast into shade by an overwhelming emphasis on 'the student experience', and, from another direction, by a location of professional academic accountability at the level of the higher education institution rather than the individual. The article concludes with an exploration of what work this absence of the academic in policy does in disrupting the possibilities for engagement between the worlds of academia and policymaking and in perpetuating the discourses of marketisation and new management in higher education. It also suggests understanding the assumptive worlds of policymakers is a crucial counterbalance to a growing body of literature on academic responses to change, some of which has tended towards the self-referential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The belief in the central role of the teacher has a long and comparative history. This article aims to critically analyse the discourse of the centrality of the teacher by both historicising and problematising the ideas and practices associated with this discourse. First, the article describes the discourse as it was taken up during the twenty-first century when the teacher was viewed as the linchpin to building universal education systems. The idea that the 'master makes the school' is examined and the policies that stemmed from this thinking (e.g., the establishment of formal teacher training, teacher testing and certification) are outlined. The contemporary manifestations of this discourse are then described to show how the pervasive belief in the central role of the teacher has influenced education policy reforms, which like teacher policy reforms in the nineteenth century operate to shape and regulate the profession. Further discursive effects are analysed including the de-contextualisation of educational reform and the de-professionalisation and de-politicisation of teachers and their work. The relationship between effective schools research and the centrality of the teacher discourse is also considered within the contemporary moment. This comparative study refers to the discourse of the centrality of the teacher in Australasia, Europe, Great Britain and North America, and suggests that our collective focus on the teacher has had some serious, unexpected effects on teachers and the work they do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concepts of gender equity are changing and the necessity of actively developing a fairer gender balance is now enshrined in the Gender Equality Legislation implemented in 2007 that required public bodies to positively promote equality. This study examines, from the perspectives of educators, their understandings of gendered inequalities in teaching and the issues that they raise for the profession. Overall, respondents did not see the numerical domination of women as a problem but instead they saw the benefits of maintaining the diversity of the teaching profession, since all pupils could benefit from the range of interests and attributes offered by both women and men. Respondents were both embracing and disputing popular discourses about the gender balance in teaching but argued strongly that there should be no discriminatory barriers to the profession. It is concluded that a policy approach to gender equality should address the material and social disadvantage experienced by those working in female-dominated professions like teaching and this would ensure people would be enabled to exercise gendered preferences without penalties or unfair advantages in income or status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the next decade many countries of sub‐Saharan Africa will face a demand for qualified secondary school teachers that current systems for teacher recruitment, training, deployment and retention will be unable to meet. While strategies for increasing teacher supply to meet this shortage have been suggested, less attention has been given to investigating the acceptability of these potential solutions by those educators closest to the school and classroom level and who often serve as gatekeepers to policy implementation. Kingdon’s multiple streams model is the framework used in this study to assess the feasibility of key strategies widely offered as possible solutions to resolve the projected teacher shortage. This study investigated the responses of 114 secondary school teachers, headteachers and education officials across six countries to policy options for increasing teacher supply. While none of the groups supported options to increase the supply through changed teacher training, there was support among all three groups for options that affected retention, including increased in‐service training and distance education, more mentorship for new teachers and more opportunities for teachers to network with each other. These findings suggest that policy‐makers in sub‐Saharan African countries need to build political support among education stakeholders to find the most feasible and viable solutions to address the large teacher shortages through both increasing supply and retention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ghana has seen several recent attempts to devolve control over the curriculum to the local level. The present study focuses on a single reform, the Local Content Curriculum (LCC). Analysis of local responses to this reform provides insights into the state’s influence on the actions and attitudes of Ghanaian teachers not previously detailed in research on educational decentralisation. These insights into the implementation of the LCC expand the understanding of the tangible effects of educational reform on actual learning institutions and pupils as well as inform about the central government’s real ability to effect change in schools. The study also shows how the lethargy of local actors is bound to deeply engrained views about the role of Ghanaian teachers in school and in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The DfES’s Five-year strategy for children and learners sets out the intentions of the Labour Government for its third term. Where necessary, its provisions will be subject to legislation in 2005. This article argues that the Five-year strategy, like much education policy since 1997, ignores important reasons for inequality of educational outcome in urban areas. Moreover, it may make matters worse. And its prime emphasis on school improvement measures will ensure that staff will be blamed if their schools falter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The practices of accountability and the dispositions they have engendered have changed over time since the mid-1970s. It will be argued that following the demise of the age of professional accountability a regime of neo-liberal corporate accountability has dominated the governance of education. The distinctive dimensions of this regime — of consumer choice, of contract efficiency, quality, and capital ownership have been introduced at different times since 1979. While it is possible to periodize their inception it is necessary to see them as, over time, extending and intensifying into a coherent regime of regulation. Thus understanding of the present modes can only be understood by clarifying the historical and political conditions which have shaped them. Nevertheless, possibilities of change may lie in the contradictions of accountability within the regime of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of ethical standards by professional associations, boards, councils and colleges of teachers, responds in part to a moral imperative that teachers and school leaders be accountable to the wider community, and in part to a desire to enhance the overall professionalism of educators' behaviour. This article explores the conceptual and practical complexities inherent in defining ethical standards for the teaching profession with a particular focus on their questionable capacity for implementation. In combining empirical evidence from previously reported research studies with newly fabricated first person narrative responses to the evidence, the article seeks to illustrate the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of applying ethical standards to actual situations in any professionally and ethically satisfying way. It argues further that moral dilemmas facing teachers are potentially resolvable only by communities of educators internalizing and applying principles of ethics, not formalized codes or standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]