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This paper aims to analyse how State policies, on the book and in practice, shape family reunification. It focuses on child migration under constraint in France, by analysing the timing and factors of (non-)reunification among foreign immigrants, whose legal conditions for family reunification are much more restrictive than for those who obtained the French citizenship. Using a quantitative approach with a nationally representative survey, the article analyses to what extent and in what circumstances migrants took one or the other of three paths during the 1973–2009 period: bringing their children in France through the administrative channel of family reunification (de jure reunification), turning to an alternative channel of child migration (de facto reunification), or leaving their child behind in their birth country. Results show that de jure reunification is not the predominant option and strongly suggest that this pathway is impaired both by an official state selection based on socioeconomic criteria enshrined in law, and by an unofficial state selection in policy implementation due to discriminatory treatments and regional inequalities in administration resources. In response to these restrictions, families adapt either by turning to de facto reunification or by maintaining transnational ways of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union put in place instruments for the deportation of foreigners that gained much importance. This article describes the multiplicity and diversity of these instruments. To analyse them more clearly, it distinguishes three types: legal, organisational and technological. The article equally points to the increasing relevance of technological tools, especially the use of biometrics. It also looks at how a founding member of the EU, France, and an associated country, Switzerland, utilise these European instruments to deport foreigners by focusing on the Dublin III Regulation as well as the Eurodac database, jointly referred to as the Dublin System. Grounding on a comparative study combining documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this article describes the similarities and differences in the use of the Dublin System in these two countries. Moreover, it also reveals these countries' specificities with regard to the roles played by local and national administrative bodies, and associative actors. The paper ends by concluding that to fully understand the deportation process in the European context as well as in certain countries, a multifaceted approach is required to make sense of the various interactions taking place between local, national and supranational frameworks, actors and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an ethnographic study of recruitment processes in the public service of a French city. It begins by engaging with the existing literature on representative bureaucracy and discrimination of members of minority groups and then surveys some of the existing literature on French exceptionalism in this domain. Based on an analysis of gate-keeping practices and recruitment, set off against the numerical under-representation of candidates with an immigration background, the paper argues that a series of seemingly minor mechanisms help to explain why so few of these candidates are being selected. It concludes by arguing that the empirical study of these mechanisms provides avenues for strategic interventions in selection processes aiming to create more genuine equal opportunities for members of minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that explicit national models of religious governance inevitably conceal tensions and ambiguities, and are not suitable bases for socio-political analysis of religious governance. I take the French notion of 'laïcité' as an example, pointing out the diversity of definitions and uses of the term. A stronger foundation for analysis is the long-term tradition of the state controlling and supporting recognised religions, a tradition that dates from the early modern Gallican Church and continues through Napoleon's Concordat, the state's assumption of responsibility for maintaining church buildings and paying religious school teachers' salaries in the twentieth century, and the recent creation of a national Islamic body, the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman (CFCM). I draw on this idea to examine the preceding papers in this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1980s, international skill mobility has become a topic of academic enquiry, examined from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. Economic theorisation has centred on the elite professional migrant moving within corporate spheres of influence concentrated on ‘world cities’ such as London, New York and Paris. Whilst accepting the value of this work—particularly in terms of its contribution to the broader re-theorisation of migration studies—this paper is critical of the focus on a privileged economic form of career-based mobility. I argue that skilled international migration, although still practised by a relatively small number of people, has nonetheless become a ‘normal’ middle-class activity rather than something exclusively confined to an economic elite. This implies complexity with regard to the skilled migrant communities that form within the contemporary world city, complexity that has hitherto been overlooked. This omission is addressed through a six-faceted lifestyle typology derived from 36 interviews with skilled British residents in Paris. The typology underpins the main argument of the paper: namely that skilled migration has developed an increasingly diverse ‘human face’ since studies of the phenomenon began in the late 1980s, and that traditional notions of the economic ‘expatriate’ need to be placed within a much broader contextual and conceptual framework. In the final part of the paper, reasons for the development of this complexity are briefly explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the case of Romanian citizens in France, this article documents and analyses the digital methods and traditional police activities used for the deportation of EU citizens across the Schengen border and within EU territory. EU laws and Schengen regulations support states' implementation of high-tech methods in migration governance and police work. Our fieldwork, conducted with several police units in France and Romania, indicates a gap between the claimed 'controlled' management of mobility through crimmigration and the actual messiness at the Schengen border as a result of policy implementation limitations (lack of legislative adjustment to digital demands), poor administration (training of border agents, allocating resources) and political decisions (harmonisation or competing narratives). Despite the promotion of cutting-edge technologies in the deportation process, traditional techniques as well as paperwork remain relevant. This raises questions regarding the articulations of traditional techniques with highly promoted control technologies. While the latter has modified the functioning of the deportation process, these changes do not necessarily make the former useless. In practice, this work is left to the discretion of police officers and ground-level bureaucrats who interpret, create and enforce norms and regulations in the name of 'the rule of law'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes the case for a joint redefinition of the concepts of transnationalism and integration in a way that would allow a better combination. Transnationalism is here defined as a coping strategy for migrants who strive to manage their integration into two (or more) settings. Integration is commonly depicted as a multi-level process which combines a social embedding into a web of interpersonal or associational relations and a systemic embedding into wider economic or political systems. Next to these levels, this work highlights a third one, namely the identity integration of migrants who seek to maintain a balance between the poles of their identity. This conceptual framework is applied in order to analyse the emergence of collective practices of development among two North African groups in France (the Moroccan Chleuhs and the Algerian Kabyles) and one UK-based North Indian group (the Sikh Punjabis). It is shown that transnational development practices, in the form of collective remittances, constitute a matrix of identity integration for migrants who want to reinvent their identity of villager despite the transformations induced by their stay abroad. However, the success of their actual engagement into cross-border practices largely depends on the effectiveness of their systemic and social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent can immigrant parents transmit their home-country language to their children? Drawing on a recent national sample of children of immigrants in France, this paper examines the effects of parental language socialisation and exposure to the parental home country on language ability and language practices of their adult children. The data show that parental efforts at transmitting the language are necessary, but ultimately insufficient especially when it comes to language practices. Almost none of those who grew up without or with only minimal exposure to the parental home-country language use it. But even among those who had extensive exposure only a minority end up using it in their daily lives. The only domain where the second-generation uses the parental home-country language to a non-trivial degree is in the family context. In addition parental resources can have contradictory effects. While successful transmission of home-country language in the immigrant context requires significant resources, those parents who have these resources are less likely to try to pass on their language. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Citizenship scholars in Europe often focus on the institutional factors that influence naturalisation, but a less explored topic in the literature is the role of politics and group belonging in naturalisation behaviour—factors that have been proven to influence immigrants' behaviour in the North American context. Through analysis of the extensive Trajectories and Origins (2008) data-set, I find that interest in politics shapes naturalisation behaviour and outcomes, and living in an anti-immigrant climate, identifying as Muslim and feeling otherised is negatively correlated with naturalisation behaviour. Lastly, Arab immigrants are more likely to seek French naturalisation and have this status than White, non-EU immigrants. This paper sets a quantitative foundation for the role of political orientation and context, and ethnic group belonging in shaping immigrants' naturalisation behaviour in France. It ends with proposals for a future research agenda on studying the political integration of different ethnic groups in France, and Europe generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the examination of British migration to rural France, the article explores how imagination is put into practice and aims to determine what it is that makes some individuals act on the basis of these imaginings to improve their quality of life. It becomes clear that, for lifestyle migration to occur and in order to explain the timing of migration, it is necessary to question and consider the other factors—structural, cultural and biographical—that might drive people to act on the basis of their imaginings. Through recognition of the various contingencies that need to be in place for lifestyle migration to occur, the paper argues for a theoretical approach that accounts for the dialectic between structure and agency in the act of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this paper is to understand how identity shapes the politics of Roma migration at European, national and local scales. I studied Romanian and Bulgarian Roma migrants living in slums around Paris through participant observation and in-depth interviews. I analyse the interplay of political and social intervention concerning this population, with an emphasis on humanitarian medical intervention. In these interactions, the Roma identity is often ethnicised, and the Roma in turn use this identity construction in their daily struggles with public institutions in order to gain more control over their lives. Their migration is the source of a new form of urban marginalisation, which continues despite both Romania's and Bulgaria's EU accession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the levels of socio-cultural integration of naturalised and non-naturalised immigrants in the Netherlands, France and Germany. Socio-cultural integration is measured by host-country identification, proficiency and use of the host-country language, and interethnic social contacts. To increase cross-national comparability, we focus on immigrants from two rural regions in Turkey who migrated before 1975. Based on the assumption that easily accessible citizenship promotes socio-cultural integration, we test two hypotheses. First, whether naturalised immigrants display higher levels of socio-cultural integration than non-naturalised immigrants. Second, whether immigrants in countries with few preconditions for naturalisation show higher levels of socio-cultural integration. We find that naturalisation is positively associated with socio-cultural integration only in those countries—France and Germany—that have traditionally required a certain degree of cultural assimilation from their new citizens. Regarding country differences, we find that Turkish immigrants in France show higher levels of socio-cultural integration on all four indicators. For host-country identification, they share this position with Dutch Turks. The results show that limited cultural assimilation conditions tied to citizenship may be helpful in promoting socio-cultural integration, but also that the allowance of dual nationality does not have the negative effects that are sometimes ascribed to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs in Turkey—the Diyanet—in the French Council for Muslim Religion (Conseil Francais du Culte Musulman or CFCM). The Diyanet-linked Cordination Committee of Muslim Turks in France (Comite de Coordination des Musulmans Turcs de France, or CCMTF) was one of the constitutive federations of the CFCM, confirming its status as 'the' interlocutor for the French state in its relations with the Turkish Muslim community. I argue in this paper that this is mainly for two reasons. First, the Turkish government uses the Diyanet as a foreign-policy instrument, promoting 'Turkish Islam' as a moderate and rational religion, compatible with modernity and as a model for 'European' or 'French Islam'. The Diyanet presents itself as the legitimate representative of Muslims of Turkish origin in France, excluding other organisations as radicals. Secondly, the Turkish Muslim community in France still displays loyalty to Turkey in terms of social organisation. The paternalistic attitude of the Turkish state, the immigrants' search for protection of the country of origin, nationality divisions within the CFCM and the long-standing habit of the French state to deal with its Muslim community through foreign governments help to explain the continuing importance of the Diyanet for the Turkish Muslim community and in the CFCM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With more than 10 million Muslims living in Western Europe, states are struggling to accommodate the religious needs of Muslims in state-supported institutions. Such issues include whether to fund separate Islamic schools and how or whether to teach Islam in state-supported schools. Despite these common concerns, national governments vary widely in their response to the religious needs and practices of Muslim citizens and permanent residents. This paper looks at how Britain, France and Germany have resolved these issues. We explore how pre-existing Church-State practices and institutional arrangements structured the politics of state accommodation of Muslims' religious needs in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mantes-la-Jolie is France's first city to officially recognise the practice of Islam by undertaking the construction of a mosque. This role of pioneering city as regards the political outreach to Islam gives Mantes a specific value in understanding the public sector's handling of the presence of Islam in France. This article is a sociological analysis of the Mantes mosque project's genesis and implementation, focusing on the keys to success of the project. Particular attention is given to the two main actors involved, the city's mayor at the time, and the president of the Islamic association backing the project. Both claimed ‘ownership’ of the project and the relationship between them was tense but ultimately cooperative. The paper also pays due attention to the history of Muslim immigration into the industrial area in the lower Seine Valley, where automobile workers were much in demand in the early postwar decades, and to the social geography of housing development and immigrant settlement in the Val Fourré district. The eventual choice of location for the mosque, on a parcel of rural land out on the city's periphery, isolated from the main urban area, is symptomatic of the marginalisation of Islam and the city's industrial immigrant workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s in France, tensions have decreased and Islam has started to be accepted as a component of religious and cultural French society, particularly at the local level. Discriminatory episodes such as the destruction of prayer halls or explicit resistance to the construction of mosques have tended to disappear, even in the aftermath of 9/11. At present no town councillor would deny the right to have a mosque and nearly everywhere representatives of Muslim organisations have established relations with local authorities. This paper therefore addresses the following question: In these conditions, how do Muslims articulate the requirements of their Islamic faith with the characteristics of their local and national environment? I describe two local cases, Marseilles and Toulouse, where the projects of a mosque are pending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic media are playing an increasingly important role in the exercise of full citizenship. But globalisation and new technologies affect citizenship in many ways. In this context, the migrants, thanks to their media especially, actively contribute to the reinterpretation of the notion and practices of citizenship. This paper is based on two comparative research studies on the Turkish-language media and the Muslim media in Britain and France. It tries to show how the ethnic media have brought new opportunities of citizenry to minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore the practice of Islam among a relatively understudied group of Muslim migrants in France, the Halpulaaren, some of whom have been living in France for more than three decades. Drawing on field research in Senegal, Mali and France, I consider a Halpulaaren Muslim religious leader with a reputation as a living Muslim saint and his followers in France as a way to try to understand some of the ways of being Muslim in the shadow of the global city with both its promises and constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates patterns of leaving the parental home in immigrant-dense neighbourhoods by gender and immigrant origin. We draw on a unique large sample, individual-level panel, the Permanent Demographic Sample (1990–2013), matched with neighbourhood-level census data, to track three types of transitions out of the parental home: leaving for an unmarried union, marriage, or independent living. The findings show that growing up in an immigrant-dense neighbourhood is associated with a decreased likelihood of leaving the parental home net of individual, family and contextual controls. Yet patterns vary by gender and origin. French majority youth, Southern European origin women and Sub-Saharan African men are more likely to remain in the parental home when they originate in an immigrant-dense neighbourhood. For others, particularly North African women, growing up in an immigrant-dense neighbourhood is linked to more frequent departures from the parental home to enter marriage. Opposite patterns are found for French majority and Asian origin women. Variation in home-leaving by neighbourhood environments is generally more pronounced for women. We discuss these trajectories in light of socioeconomic disadvantage and normative constraints in immigrant areas and residential sorting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a bottom-up perspective to highlight how a non-state actor has capitalised on discretionary power to shape regularisation practices of the state. Based on two years of ethnographic data, this case study describes key interactions between state and civil society actors in the field of governing undocumented youths in Paris. A three-step process has enabled a civil society network, whose mission is to regularise undocumented youth and their families in France, to become an effective collective actor in the governance of undocumented youths. This network uses its embeddedness in schools to link youths with social, bureaucratic, and political resources. Local alliances with governmental and other civil society actors, along with specialised knowledge about legal residence, give the network legitimacy and expertise. The network leverages their position to negotiate for visas with the Paris Prefecture. The resulting civil society exchange between the network and state actors empowers the network in governance of undocumented youth. These findings speak to how non-state actors may use agency in the complex governance of contemporary migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the mobility aspirations of France's high-achieving second-generation Maghrebi migrants. Drawing on in-depth, open-ended interviews with students and graduates of grandes ecoles, prestigious higher education institutions, it delves into the career trajectories they intend to embark on beyond the French borders. Three distinct mobility projects are envisioned by the respondents. While some contemplate intensifying their ties with their parents' homeland, others envisage moving to a 'third space' in which they have commonly lived during their studies and established strong connections. Another group of informants seek to set up hyper-mobile careers spanning multiple global-cities. The article suggests that the threat of discrimination and the desire to defy the nation-based assimilationist rhetoric frame the desire to set up transnational pathways. It further disentangles the role of educational resources, social capital in the places envisioned, as well as gender processes in informing these distinctive ways of engaging with the transnational among second-generation migrants. Lastly, the article examines the specific trajectories of respondents who intend to remain in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The informal refugee camp in Calais, dubbed the ‘new Jungle’, reached an approximate population of ten thousand people in 2016. The settlement, despite these high numbers, did not receive aid from the French government or international aid agencies. As a response to the lack of institutional support, and given the squalid conditions of the camp, hundreds of volunteers and grassroots organisations took on the burden of delivering humanitarian aid and basic services in the Jungle. This grassroots humanitarian aid, which I call ‘volunteer humanitarianism’, has particular characteristics that will be explored. The article argues that volunteer humanitarianism can be interpreted as a symbol against the violent border practices across Europe and, because of its informality, provides an alternative to formal humanitarian aid. The article also shows that volunteer humanitarianism formed a connection between humanitarianism and activism that stands in tension with neoliberal governmentality. As the Jungle was demolished in October 2016, this article is a contribution to the history of the camp as well as a testimony of the volunteers’ work there. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current literature on multiculturalism is often based on the analysis of national legislation and institutions. But to understand the evolution of multiculturalism, we also have to take into account the various public debates over it. In this article, I analyse how the term ‘multiculturalism’ was used in four French national newspapers from 1995 to 2013. I use critical discourse analysis, which, through the study of vocabulary and the discursive process, allows us to chart the underlying ideologies of the texts. This research modifies the widespread perception that France is an ‘assimilationist’ country. In fact, the philosophical principles of recognition and non-discrimination have grown widespread in intellectual circles: the term ‘multiculturalism’ is used in largely positive fashion in three of the four national newspapers analysed. Criticism of ‘multiculturalism’ must be interpreted as apprehension over the potential consequences of the demographic evolution triggered by post-colonial immigration. The theme of multiculturalism is increasingly present in public debates in France, and has become an entrenched element of the left–right ideological divide. The ideological stances of all the newspapers remained constant over time: we see a sharp dichotomy between two opposing philosophies that reflect different visions of the individual and the larger community. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent studies on immigrant families have demonstrated how the migration status of parents influences their process of family reunification. In the current context of restrictions on family-related migrations in many receiving countries, concretising their family reunification projects often appears challenging to migrant parents and their children. Aiming to shed light on the way migrant families cope with these restrictions depending on their migration status, this article examines the family reunification process of first-generation Filipino migrants in France with their ‘1.5-generation’ offspring. Fieldwork data show that even when irregular migrant parents succeed in regularising their situation, family reunion remains difficult to them due to the complex French immigration policies. As a result, many Filipino immigrants, regardless of their migration status, turn to ‘black market’ channels to reunite with their children. Their family reunification process does not end with the reunion itself but continues to unfold for many years afterwards, as parents and children progressively come to terms with living together after a long separation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article presents a quantitative examination of how newspaper articles in the UK, France and Italy most commonly frame immigration and migrants. A developing literature on the securitisation of policy and discourse related to migration suggests the prominence of this narrative, but the prevalence of this particular portrayal of migration has not been placed into comparative context through cross-country analysis of the relative prominence of various immigration-related issues. To test the securitisation thesis I tabulate not only security narratives in the press, but also economic ones, comparing the relative frequency of these two broader narratives. The results indicate that it would be premature to speak of a pre-eminent securitised meta-narrative within the European press. I find that overt references to physical threat or crime occur relatively infrequently, with only the mention of the border being more common. Instead, issues with economic implications, such as the labour market, asylum and fiscal costs, exhibit at least equal salience, though the degree to which the press grants attention to specific economic or security issues varies substantially between countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How do individuals and organisations anticipate or deflect allegations of racism? This problem is especially sensitive in the context of crime control. There are two strategies to perform non-racism: colour-blind and race-conscious. This article is about how French police officers and security guards perform ‘not being racist’, based on an analysis of the discourse and policies of 60 respondents in a shopping mall and in a railway station. France promotes an ostensibly colour-blind approach to being not racist, urging its citizens to avoid using racial categories. How do security people manage to perform non-racism when the majority of their clients are minority youth? The main finding is that while respondents display a strong command of colour-blind speech norms (to perform non-racism), the security policy of the shopping mall is equally strongly race-conscious (also to perform non-racism). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses press coverage between July and October 2010 in three different European Union (EU) member states (France, Romania and Bulgaria) of the French government's expulsion of Roma in 2010. It asks what the international reaction to France's actions tells us about the way in which Europe is deployed in debates over discrimination, minority rights and freedom of movement in national media. The article finds evidence in national public debates of a Europeanisation of normative discussions, thanks to a willingness by a range of actors to use the EU in an instrumental way for political gain. However, the representation of issues and actors by the press also demonstrates the ways in which the prominence of supposedly European norms, and the framing of the EU's role, can be associated with national political dynamics, both in relation to the political environment and contemporary narratives regarding national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses long-standing normative claims that liberalism-understood as the priority of economic and political liberty, neutrality in the public sphere, the universal application of human rights, and the requirement to treat all subjects equally-is inadequate in the context of deep, migration-driven diversity. Beginning with the assumption that liberalism-as-an-integration-paradigm must be evaluated empirically, the article examines the immigration experience of two liberal states: France and the United States. Evidence from these important countries of immigration demonstrates that universal, difference-blind policies that are suspicious of claims to difference in the public sphere reduce prejudice and promote positive intra-community attitudes (France), while limited income support and dynamic labour markets promote economic integration (the United States). Far from being an inadequate relic of a simpler age, liberalism is the best framework for accommodating diverse societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political incorporation of minority migrant groups in Western Europe by analysing voting rates. I present the first quantitative data that compare turnout rates among multiple minority migrant groups in France and show that non-European-origin migrant groups have lower turnout rates than native French metropolitans. I claim neighbourhood effects can explain these turnout differences, suggesting that the underlying determinants of minority migrant voting behaviour in France are similar to those of native metropolitans. However, because non-European-origin migrants are more likely than native metropolitans to live in disadvantaged urban areas they have lower turnout rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Autumn 2005, France witnessed the most important urban riots in its contemporary history. What exactly happened? Through the study of press dispatches and government communiques, I first present a detailed summary of the three weeks of rioting by analysing their birth and development. Second, utilising interviews conducted with rioters and inhabitants of two 'quartiers sensibles' (deprived neighbourhoods), I attempt to understand the motivations of the rioters and perceptions of them by other categories of the populations of these neighbourhoods. I then investigate the social geography of the riots and highlight those characteristics of the 'zones urbaines sensibles' (deprived urban areas) which have been addressed within the contexts of security and city politics over the last quarter of a century. Finally, I discuss the political and social significance of these riots and their possible extension in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France used to be proud of its ability to integrate the children of migrants. In fact, the French Republican model facilitated the assimilation of migrants rather than their ghettoisation. During the years of economic growth, businesses, trade unions and political parties contributed to a successful assimilation process. However, after the first urban riots occurred in a suburb of Lyon during the summer of 1981, two months after the election of ex-President Francois Mitterrand, a divorce occurred between the children of immigrant families and the institutions of the Republic, including local ones. The palliative remedies of a declining welfare state contributed to the growth of conflict between youth living in poor urban projects (cites) and institutions—above all the police—which produced the riots of 2005. While they have been widely treated as a call for cultural difference within a communitarian framework, these outbreaks of violence can also be viewed as a very strong paradoxical expression of rebellion for assimilation, defined as the right to be a citizen of France notwithstanding ethnic origins rather than an object of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Autumn 2005 riots in France, many observers in both the popular and the academic press argued that the urban violence that occurred over a two-week period was an open challenge to the French Republican model of citizenship, which does not recognise racial, ethnic or religious affiliations. Many experts focused their analyses of the riots on the relationship between discrimination and ethnic mobilisation in disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Often, the discussions surrounding the uprisings were embedded in the ongoing debate between liberal and communitarian notions of citizenship and the lack of ethnic recognition in France. The articles in this special issue of JEMS indicate another interpretation of the events of October-November 2005. According to much of the comparative analysis presented in this collection, the riots were not a challenge to the French Republic but a demonstration of its schizophrenic characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the riots in the French banlieues in Autumn 2005, Germany has not reached the point of such social conflicts with an ethnic background. To explain this difference, this article compares the situation of marginalised youth of North African origin in France with its counterpart of Turkish origin in Germany. As a central explanatory factor for unrest that does or does not take the form of violent protest, the foremost hypothesis is that the experience of frustration that results from the discrepancy between the expectation of recognition and social reality is stronger in the case of France than of Germany. As a follow-up to this hypothesis, the article investigates, firstly, the corresponding processes of exclusion and integration of these young people. Secondly, the consequences of urban policy on the situation of young people in each case are examined against the background of the different models of integration. Finally, the article considers the differences in political mobilisation and how conflicts are played out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

French policies regarding Muslim institutions have been developing since the 1980s and reflect long-term patterns of controlling certain religious institutions through supporting them. Current policies are motivated in part by the desire to enhance internal security by making Islamic activities more visible. I argue that a long-term approach to security ought to place as much emphasis on building equal access to religious institutions (as well as to employment and housing) as on police actions regarding potentially violent individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on Black African immigrants and housing claims in France. Details on the social movement and political integration; Aspects of the genesis of social movement; Transformation of African immigration and mobilization over the right to housing.