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This article focuses on the advancement of fantasy policy solutions to irregular migration, drawing on the case study of the UK/French border. In 2018 people began to cross the English Channel in significant numbers to seek asylum. This led to much commentary and a raft of new legislation seeking to criminalise people crossing the Channel and end rights to seek asylum in the UK. In this article, we explore the interaction between two sets of fantasies that are advanced by politicians and mainstream political parties in the UK. That is: the liberal technocratic fantasy – that this phenomenon can be efficiently 'fixed' through interventions in policing and multilateral cooperation with neighbouring EU states; and the illiberal fantasy that extreme and performative punishments can solve it. These fantasies intersect and break at different points in time, and involve many of the same policy solutions which are represented in different terms. Importantly, both of these fantasies reproduce racialised and colonial logics and ultimately serve border imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Asylum Support Enablement (ASPEN) card – a prepayment card provided to UK asylum seekers – enacts their alterity in ways that problematise the techno-optimist narrative of digital technologies as promoters of financial inclusion. Drawing on analysis of 53 documents alongside 21 interviews with asylum seekers, refugees, advocacy organisations and technology providers, the article proceeds in four steps. First, we trace the migration of Prepaid Financial Services’ (PFS) prepayment technology from the humanitarian context of UNHCR’s Cash Assistance Programme in Greece to its adoption in UK state practices, considering what this means for the mobility of policy norms inscribed in digital technologies. Second, building on the concept of ‘alterity processing’, we examine how the UK Home Office discursively co-constructs asylum seekers as ‘deviant subjects’ and its bureaucratic entities as indispensable. Third, we analyse how this co-construction is used to justify asylum seekers’ exclusion from mainstream banking, rendering them dependent on the ASPEN card. Finally, we elucidate how the card’s surveillance, encoded rules, and induced precarity govern asylum seekers’ behaviours. We thus demonstrate how financial technologies – as deployed across humanitarian and statist welfare contexts – engender new lines of marginalisation and forms of social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vulnerability has emerged as a central policy concept in migration governance. Despite its growing importance, the concept remains contested and ambiguous. As multiple conceptions of vulnerability circulate, it becomes crucial to gain a better understanding of how 'vulnerability' might shape practices on the ground. In this article, I explore how different actors in the province of Cádiz, located at Spain and the EU's southern maritime border, understood, and operationalised 'vulnerability'. The aim is to advance understandings of vulnerability as a mechanism of governance in the reception of people on the move in the context of so-called 'mixed movements'. My focus is on how vulnerability as a new classifying label overlaps with and fragments previous labels that underpin migration governance. Through the analysis, I show how the malleability of the notion of vulnerability constituted an opportunity for actors on the ground to challenge categorical and legal distinctions between migrants. However, civil society organisations' engagement with vulnerability not only represented a 'push-back' of restrictive policies but was also a way to adapt and survive in a securitised and marketised regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For asylum route refugees, the existence and persistence of structural barriers to navigating statutory systems are well-documented. Even when initial barriers are overcome, further transitions may disrupt refugees' lives. One such is the arrival in the UK of family members from whom they had been separated during their flight from persecution. This paper draws upon data gathered using a Social Connections Mapping Tool methodology with reunited refugee families to make three contributions to the field of refugee studies. Firstly, families' accounts of navigating statutory systems confirm the multi-directionality of integration. Refugees' efforts to build and leverage social links proceed differentially across key statutory domains and cannot alone overcome systems barriers that require adaptation on the part of public services. Secondly, our findings contribute to scholarship that critiques the division of social relationships into categories of bonds, bridges and links, and the distinctions made between these based on ethnicity or nationality. Rather, refugees' social relationships are more appropriately understood as a fluid continuum, with their nature and purpose subject to change. Finally, refugee families' descriptions of settling in the UK highlight the influence of time on integration and the importance to refugees of re-building independence in a new country context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interprets sanctuary cities as mobilising metaphors, which are given significance at particular moments to ameliorate frictions in urban governance. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, the article presents the first UK city to self-designate as a 'City of Sanctuary', Sheffield, to shed new light on the meaning and effects of contemporary sanctuary cities. Inspired by the anthropology of policy, I shift attention from definitions of 'sanctuary' to trace how and why the 'City of Sanctuary' term emerged, who labelled the city in this way, for what purpose and with what effects. An ethnographically informed reading of sanctuary cities is crucial to tease out sanctuary's possibilities but also the complex processes through which governing systems use the term 'City of Sanctuary' to extinguish practices animated by radical potential. The article contributes to sanctuary scholarship by demonstrating that sanctuary cities are not necessarily antagonistic to national exclusionary policies. The article also builds on urban migration governance literature by exploring the challenges of shifting the meaning of local migration policy from 'welcome' to 'non-cooperation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, there were 4.6 million asylum claims pending globally. How does the state determine that someone qualifies for refugee status? To understand refugee status determination, scholarship has focused on the characteristics of asylum seekers, their applications, and adjudicating officials. Relatively less is known about how officials make sense of asylum seekers and their claims. Building from a cognitive sociological approach, this article details frames of perception and evaluation at work in refugee status determination, cognitive prisms through which asylum officials make legible those seeking safe haven before the state. In doing so, it turns analytical focus from 'what' to 'how' officials interpret. It is based on an ethnography of the asylum-screening process in Brazil, including fieldwork, official interviews, and case files. It delineates four cognitive frames: credibility, gravity, affinity, and novelty. Such frames coexist, and they can also interact through frame configuration or competition. This article contributes to asylum scholarship by turning to the operative cognitive structures through which officials process information and evaluate asylum claims, and their variable development and operations in situated context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 220,000 asylum seekers and refugees (ASR) lived in the United Kingdom in 2021. Traumatic experiences lived during the different phases of the migration process make people seeking asylum vulnerable to mental health conditions, including post-traumatic stress and depression. Assessments conducted by various local authorities since 2016 stress the need to improve ASR's access to appropriate mental health support, but lack clarity on how to achieve this. This article explores perceptions of mental health support needs for ASR, and contrasts them to service provision. Data were collected via semi-structured interviews with nine ASR and six individuals who provide wellbeing support to ASR living in Brighton and Hove, and were analysed via thematic analysis using NVivo. Three main themes emerged, relating to the need for holistic mental health support for ASR, the disjunctive between perceived needs and the available support, and the barriers to accessing existing services. Findings highlight the need for holistic, specialised, culturally sensitive and sustainable mental health support for ASR, and illustrate how training healthcare receptionists on the rights and entitlements of ASR and greater support services coordination can help strengthen ASR's access to the available support services and their mental wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the hostile environment manifests in UK higher education. Our findings highlight the specific challenges encountered by asylum seekers in negotiating access to, and participating fully in, higher education. This group are categorised as international students, rendering them ineligible for student finance to meet the cost of living and university tuition fees in addition to exclusion from mainstream benefits and the labour market. The empirical data generated through a survey of universities, students and support organisations is explored first through the concept of universities as sites of bordering and the original framing of the higher education border. Second, the data is used to picture the state of solidarity at this border, arguing that redistributive solidarity and solidarity as 'standing up beside' are needed, but both require further investment from HEIs. In conclusion, we argue that the hostile environment creates overlapping and intersecting restrictions on these students and that this, amplified by the complex relationship between HEIs and the state, causes a conflict of solidarity between, on the one hand, supporting students and, on the other, officiously complying with the Home Office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do crackdowns by destination countries deter refugees? Much of the existing literature conflates containment measures (forcibly restricting refugees in their home region or country) and deterrence policies (discouraging refugees by making the destination appear less attractive). In addition, empirical studies have focused almost exclusively on Western countries and analyzed the effects of acceptance rates or policy reforms on the number of asylum applications lodged. In contrast, this paper examines whether rights violations deter asylum-seekers and refugees by leveraging a global dataset drawn from reports by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. I find that deportation, detention, and encampment are not associated with decreases in asylum applications or refugee arrivals, and may actually be correlated with increases in them in some cases. While reduced access to the labour market may deter very small numbers of asylum-seekers and refugees, there are other sound reasons for destination countries to eschew restrictive employment policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore how the European Union (EU) legal and policy framework relates to protracted displacement. To this end, we examine the existing legal, policy and institutional framework both in the EU and globally, including the Common European Asylum System (CEAS), the 2015 'European Agenda on Migration', and the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Analytically, we employ Norbert Elias' concept of 'figurations' as a conceptual lens to describe and identify distinct constellations of relationships, norms and social interactions between different actors shaping approaches towards protracted displacement. We argue that policies on protracted displacement are shaped by a triangle of three figurations – the migration-security figuration, the humanitarian-refugee relief figuration, and the protection-rights figuration. We trace how the migration-security figuration has gained the upper hand in recent years and what this means for EU policies addressing protracted displacement. We conclude that the EU is an actor that facilitates, rather than addresses, protracted displacement, and the Pact on Migration and Asylum further cements that role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rising number of unaccompanied migrant children (UMC) crossing the U.S.-Mexico border received intense media attention during 2014 and remains significant. Unaccompanied minors seeking relief through the immigration court system is at a record high. A crisis of legal representation and of disparity in granting asylum or other humanitarian relief across Department of Justice (DOJ) immigration courts and among individual judges creates an unequal geographical landscape of justice for young migrants/asylum-seekers. This study uses empirical data from over 232,000 UMC cases to analyse the effect that place of residence has on access to a fair court hearing. This research adds to previous studies by emphasising the importance of place for unaccompanied minors who have been released to sponsors across the United States. Given that court adjudications vary considerably from judge to judge and across courts; and that access to legal resources differs from city to city and across regions – where a UMC resides has a major impact on the likelihood of a fair hearing. This finding has major implications for understanding how locality impacts unaccompanied minor migrant youth precarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political agency of refugees and asylum seekers is usually recognised as different forms of activism, focusing on rights claiming or protesting on inferior living conditions. While these activities are vitally important in the struggle over refugee rights and policies, they are not the only ways in which asylum seekers and refugees act politically. Perhaps paradoxically, the publicly visible activities may hide from the view other forms of effective and critical agency. Based on research with asylum seekers in precarious situations, this paper discusses their subtle forms of agency seldom identified as political – least by those enacting them. Many asylum seekers and refugees have little faith in exerting change though public protest and explicitly dissociate themselves from politics. With focus on mundane critical attitudes and activities, this paper suggests that thin political possibilities open through agency motivated by 'radical hope'. The radically hopeful agencies in hopeless asylum situations, and their political dimensions, are identified through a non-linear understanding of temporality that challenges the received notion of refugeeness as generated in the past, struggled for in the present, and orienting towards a desired-for future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on refugee claims made by lesbians racialised as Black in Germany. While there exists a relatively large body of works that examine how categories of sexuality and gender identity underpin the assessment of LGBTQI+ asylum, very little work has been dedicated to the precarity of lesbian asylum claimants. This paper seeks to contribute to the nascent discussion in the area of queer migration that asks about how imaginations of blackness, gender, and sexuality shape perceptions of 'true' victimhood. In thinking through the 'double discrimination' lesbian asylum seekers face within Germany's asylum system – as women and lesbians – this paper explores how race as it pertains to constructions of femininity further contributes to the marginalisation of lesbians racialised as Black. I will use the example of two lesbian asylum cases from Uganda – both of which I have closely followed over the course of 14 months – so as to outline some of the main effects of such asylum practices as they relate to the question of who deserves Germany's legal protection and how this relates to normative conceptualisations of female victimhood and humanitarianism. I contextualise such in-depth analysis with data collected through semi-structured interview and case analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010, Britain's newly elected Coalition government ushered in a 'moral mission' of welfare reform. This paper considers its extension to the management of non-EEA migration and asylum, viewed here in the context of Fassin's conception of moral economy and related debate. The paper argues that the ensuing policy regime can be analysed as a moral economy 'from above', in terms of its underlying objectives and rationale, which is then challenged and contested 'from below' through the intervention of civic activists. Such contestation is framed in terms of a three-pronged critique of the welfare/migration complex, based on rationality, legality and morality, and examined in three key areas of welfare-related policy change – family life, maintenance provision for asylum seekers, and support for those without status. Policy in each area is considered alongside the corresponding critique and with summary comment on key points for moral economy analysis. A fourth section sets these developments in the context of an emergent system of total control, and the conclusion reflects on broader implications for our understanding and usage of the notion of moral economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experiences of young Syrian refugees in the UK. It looks at how settlement plays out for two 'types' of Syrian refugees, those resettled by the UK Government and those who claim asylum in the UK. Drawing on new empirical data from 484 Syrian refugees in the UK, the article compares and contrasts the two groups' access to educational provisions, the labour market and general support mechanisms that should, in principle, be equally available to all refugees. This reveals the scale and consequences of the existing two-tier system of international protection based entirely on how refugees come to be in the UK, rather than any objective analysis of their reason for flight. In doing so, the article seeks to contribute to debates about the process and implications of how host states label people, in this case by de facto treating resettled Syrians as the 'good' refugees, while those who arrive of their own volition, regardless of their needs, are viewed as more problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how humanitarianism operates within the nation-state, asking: what strategies do lawyers employ to help undocumented immigrants access membership rights in the United States though humanitarian policies? I identify three concurrent evaluations that lawyers undertake to determine legalisation strategies. First, attorneys carry out an assessment of threat of deportation because not all undocumented immigrants are equally at risk. Second, they determine eligibility by matching migrants' complex lived experiences to narrow, formal eligibility criteria, which often exclude individuals arbitrarily. Third, attorneys determine whether each case is 'strong' or 'weak' (more/less likely to acquire status) by identifying instances of migrant suffering to transform them into what I call 'humanitarian capital', a symbolic resource legible to adjudicators in the immigration bureaucracy who grant legal status on the basis of compassion to limited numbers of exceptional cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of deciding who is in need of international protection is well established most western liberal democracies, and has been subject to critical scrutiny for decades. And yet asylum seekers remain vulnerable to serious and ongoing flaws in that system. In this paper, based on research conducted in Afghanistan 2012–2018, Schuster explores a number of shortcomings in the asylum decision-making process, specifically with regard to the rejection of claims from Afghans. The analysis of Reasons for Refusal Letters, allows Schuster to examine the use of key tools in that process (previous cases and country of origin reports). Schuster argues that the current adversarial approach, which seeks to prove an applicant is not credible or does not need protection, undermines the legitimacy of the asylum and risks refusing protection to those in need and or condemning others to years of damaging appeals before they are granted asylum. She concludes by arguing for a shift to a more investigative approach, one that seeks to identify those in need of protection, rather than to keep numbers low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Europe asylum seekers are confronted with migration-filtering techniques when beginning their rights claiming procedures, during the decision-making process of their asylum claims, and finally across the procedural constraints imposed on them. In this article, I want to look at asylum through a focus on newly recognised refugee protection categories: sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). In so doing, I concentrate on the ordinary, yet effective, manifestations of the filtering devices inherent in the politics of asylum by examining the elusiveness of current migration control practices. I aim to elaborate on the discrepancy between the widening of refugee protection, through the inclusion of gender identity and sexual orientation as grounds of asylum, and the increasingly restrictive practices that define the refugee granting process in France and the UK. The analytical considerations in the article emerge from interviewing and conducting ethnography over a three-year period between London, Paris and Marseille with gender and sexual minority refugees, immigration lawyers and refugee support workers and volunteers. The article seeks to sociologically investigate the claim of 'asylum as filtering device' within two western European national settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Remote control' has been a radical innovation that projects many aspects of migration and border enforcement beyond a state's territory. Scholars across multiple disciplines make distinctive and sometimes contradictory claims about the extent to which state control over space and geographic borders is of declining significance. Drawing on a study of remote control policies in the United States, Canada, the EU, and Australia since the 1930s, this paper argues that states push much of their migration control out from their territorial boundaries though a process of extra-territorialisation. However, these liberal states simultaneously ratchet up controls at a finely calibrated border line in a process of hyper-territorialisation. The goal of restricting migrants' access to territorialised human and civil rights drives both of these manipulations of territoriality. A taxonomy of controls based on the metaphor of an 'architecture of repulsion' describes their logic and practice. Many of these practices involve states sharing the legitimate means of coercion over movement in a way that challenges a core assumption about modern states. The degree to which remote control deters unauthorised migration remains a critical research question, but there is more deterrence than found in standard measures of border enforcement efficacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes a theoretical argument stemming from our study of the European Commission's hotspot approach to the management of migrant populations. It draws on empirical research findings from field research which took place on the island of Lesbos and in the city of Athens over the course of 20 months and links these to emerging critical studies of the new EU border regime. No clear definition exists of what comprises a hotspot: instead, the European Commission describes this as an integrated 'approach' for the enhancement of the capacity of member states to deal with crises resulting from pressures at the Union's external borders. Effective in its ambiguity, the 'hotspot approach' therefore constitutes, as we argue, an integral part of the Europeanisation and institutionalisation of border management: a powerfully ambiguous dispositif in the EU's emerging border regime. The article unpacks the notion of the hotspot from a historical perspective and explores the ways in which the hotspot contributes toward the culmination of European integration, paving the way for the flexible governance of mobility and asylum. We situate the hotspot within the historical shift of migration and mobility control from the border to the territory as a whole and conclude by arguing that the hotspot plays the role of a territorial incubator for the liminal EU territory: a paradigmatic space for a new form of governance that further disentangles territory from rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Refugees often find themselves in a protracted situation of temporariness, as applications for asylum are processed, deportations negotiated and possible extensions of temporary protection status considered within the context of increasingly restrictive governmental policies across Europe. Through the case of a young Sri Lankan woman who arrived in Denmark as an 'unaccompanied asylum-seeking minor' and spent five years within the Danish asylum system, this article explores how she experienced moving through different legal categories and the institutional settings associated with them. I argue that, by engaging in social relations in the localities where she was situated, she developed places of belonging that could serve as 'anchoring points' providing some measure of stability in her otherwise unpredictable and precarious life situation. This case suggests that, even under conditions of protracted temporariness and legal uncertainty, individuals are able to create important anchoring points and develop communities of belonging that can serve them in a difficult process of belonging to Denmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines why Switzerland along with several other European countries introduced a Schengen visa to substitute for individual applications for asylum at the country's embassy as a pathway to protect Syrian refugees. The case study highlights the inherent interest asymmetries in a tenuous arrangement of multi-layered governance, revealing a conflict over the interpretation of Schengen law in a collective governance environment – a conflict that was recently resolved by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Drawing on multi-layered governance, the paper discusses why the Swiss divergence from the 'spirit', but not the 'letter' of the Schengen code (a metaphor used by the EU Commission), could be considered as an example of 'de-coupling' from the negotiated, intergovernmental order. Whereas de jure the unity of the Schengen visa code is maintained, the amount of discretion which Switzerland and other Schengen countries have used to interpret the regulatory purpose behind the Schengen humanitarian visa went too far for the CJEU and the EU Commission. The case study illustrates how the interpretation of rules matters in a multi-layered framework of governance, possibly giving the ability to react to changing circumstances, but also bearing the potential for conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the wider population of forced migrants, LGBTQs face particular challenges. While sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) are recognised grounds for asylum, academic and civil society observers are critical of the imposition of Western identity labels and liberation narratives on asylum seekers. This paper explores the situation in Belgium, where an increasing number of people obtain asylum based on SOGI claims. First, the relevant regulations and practices are discussed, based on desk research as well as interviews with advocates. Second, the personal experiences of forced migrants are discussed, based on in-depth interviews with gay-identifying men. The advocates confirm the prominence of (Western) conceptions and narratives of sexual identity in the procedure. While the forced migrants seem to reinforce this view, by expressing Western views on sexuality in the research interview, this paper explores the degree to which this can be attributed to the asylum procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of asylum seekers in the UK are not permitted to enter the labour market. In the absence of the right to work asylum seekers receive welfare support, which amounts to less than a third of the weekly spend of the poorest 10% of British citizens. This article presents new research on the third sector response to the poverty created by this policy regime. Through a four-pronged methodological design we map the scale of this response, and in doing so offer an alternative critical perspective on the inadequacies of government policy, inadequacies which lead to the human rights of some who are within, or who have been through the system, being breached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Refugee migration to Europe reached peak levels in 2015. During this time, more than 260,000 children applied for asylum in Germany; over 40,000 of whom arrived without parents or other legal guardians. This article takes a broadly descriptive legal approach to focus on the resulting legal and ethical problems in Germany, and to highlight a variety of ethically relevant issues within the legal system. In particular, refugee children below the legal age of 18, have special needs with regard to health care, guardianship and appropriate custody, but the legal framework produces questionable inequalities that require further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the modes of (contested) control that are at play at the Mediterranean frontier for containing, dividing and discipling unruly mobility. Building on ethnographic research conducted on the island of Lesvos and of Lampedusa, it focuses on the implementation and the functioning of the Hotspot System in Greece and in Italy, analysing beyond the fences of detention centres and by looking at the broader logistics of channels, infrastructures and governmental measures deployed for regaining control over migration movements. The article argues that more than control in terms of surveillance and tracking, the Hotspot System contributes to enforce forms of containment through mobility that consists in controlling migration by obstructing, decelerating and troubling migrants’ geographies - more than in fully blocking them. The article takes into account migrants’ refusals of being fingerprinted, showing how migrants radically unsettle the association between seeking refuge and lack of choice, enacting their right to choose where to go and claim asylum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To cope with the challenges posed by growing numbers of asylum seekers, Western European countries have relied on tightening policies over the last decades. We propose to complement this traditional and one-dimensional view by highlighting the importance of encompassing streamlining policies that aim to enhance the efficiency of national asylum systems through procedural accelerations and structural reforms. We argue that political conflicts over tightening and streamlining policies follow different logics. While it is hypothesised that the level of support for the former increases the more to the right a given actor position itself, approval for the latter is expected to decline with the degree of ideological extremity on the left-right axis. The empirical case relies on structured elite interviews conducted with the major political organisations involved in a referendum on the urgent modifications of the Swiss asylum law in 2013. Our quantitative findings tend to support our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securing collective action in the field of asylum regulation is high on the European political agenda. In this article, we look at one country's partial pullback from the regional cooperation during the high influx of asylum seekers in 2015. We use Norway as a case to analyse the challenges to common European asylum regulations and the drivers of a region-wide tendency of what we call renationalisation. Against this background, we seek to contribute to the discussion on the dynamics of Europeanisation and the future of the Common European Asylum System. While the Europeanisation of migration policies has been well covered in the literature, tendencies of renationalisation have been less so. To contribute to the knowledge base, we create a typology of the drivers of renationalisation. These drivers include necessary political and institutional preconditions, resource limitations, triggers, expectations and aspects of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securing collective action in the field of asylum regulation is high on the European political agenda. In this article, we look at one country's partial pullback from the regional cooperation during the high influx of asylum seekers in 2015. We use Norway as a case to analyse the challenges to common European asylum regulations and the drivers of a region-wide tendency of what we call renationalisation. Against this background, we seek to contribute to the discussion on the dynamics of Europeanisation and the future of the Common European Asylum System. While the Europeanisation of migration policies has been well covered in the literature, tendencies of renationalisation have been less so. To contribute to the knowledge base, we create a typology of the drivers of renationalisation. These drivers include necessary political and institutional preconditions, resource limitations, triggers, expectations and aspects of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The return of rejected asylum seekers has a high priority on the national agendas of European States. In order to make well-informed asylum decisions involving children, knowledge of how asylum-seeker children fare after their return to their countries of origin is needed. This study aims to gain knowledge about the child-rearing environment and the social-emotional wellbeing of migrant children who have returned to Kosovo and Albania after a stay in a European host country. Based on a sample of 106 returned families, the study investigated the predictive factors for children's social-emotional wellbeing using regression analyses. The findings show that procedural characteristics and ethnicity predict wellbeing, mediated through the quality of the child-rearing environment. The most vulnerable children did not have a stable resident status in the host country, belonged to a minority ethnic group and were older adolescents. The findings indicate that the wellbeing of returned children is not only dependent on conditions after repatriation, but also on the conditions which the families left in the host country. To enable sustainable return in a child's best interests, the needs of vulnerable families and children should be thoroughly assessed prior to return, and reintegration support should be tailored to their situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars have devoted increasing attention to the dynamics at play within refugee centres, analyses have often been driven by the 'exceptionality' of these institutions, overlooking the ways in which what happens inside the centres is largely connected to what goes on outside of them. Building on ethnographic fieldwork in a Sicilian refugee centre and the surrounding town, this paper investigates the extent to which economic, historical and political configurations inform how local actors conceptualise aid and how they interact with refugees on a daily basis. Overall, the study found that both centre workers and the general population mobilise moral arguments that can only be understood in light of dynamics that are external to the centre itself. These findings ultimately point to the extent to which state-level dysfunctions influence popular images of what a 'deserving' refugee might look like as well as local understandings of the 'right way' of providing help. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of public officials in asylum procedures is generally a critical concern in scholarly and political debates. Focusing on the asylum system in Germany, this paper seeks to understand asylum procedures with regard to officially claimed standards and the still varying practices of decision-making. It draws on the findings of a qualitative study based on a multi-method design and carried out in the asylum administration. Based on a sociology of knowledge approach, the paper shows that administrative practices are largely a matter of how decision-makers on the ground interpret legal and political regulations. We demonstrate that decision-makers utilise shifting strategies to handle official claims and cope with local settings in their daily work, from defining the applicant to reaching decisions about asylum requests. The administration of asylum applications is discussed as a field that uses and (re-)produces both authorised and informal knowledge. Caseworkers develop a pragmatic knowledge of how to deal with the discrepancies between official standards and local working conditions. However, it is the asylum institution that provides the context in which they navigate the pitfalls and challenges of the asylum procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the burden of proof that queer asylum seekers encounter in Norway and how they tackle it. It is argued that queer asylum seekers translate their sexuality, sometimes strategically, to become readable in the Norwegian context. The act of translation appears to take the form of a ‘rainbow splash’ over the lives of the informants. The recurrence of similar narratives painted with similar colours contributes to a monolithic portrayal of sexualised and racialised asylum seekers, as they are unable to incorporate their own vocabularies during the act of translation. As a result, queer informants contribute to the (re)production of new norms about what it means to be a genuine queer person in need of protection. Therefore, genuineness remains an unattainable ideal for individuals seeking to negotiate their sexuality before, during and after the asylum seeking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent evolution of asylum and refugee policies in developed countries has been characterised by two apparently contradictory dynamics. Efforts to limit the number of asylum applicants have coincided with the strengthening of rights for asylum seekers and refugees inside existing protection systems. The ‘numbers vs. rights’ model seeks to explain such counter-veiling trends as a trade-off, as the result of attempts to manage costs within given budget constraints. The model suggests that high numbers of migrants will tend to go hand in hand with attempts to restrict their rights, while low numbers will typically be associated with more rights. This paper provides a critical analysis of the model when applied to asylum and refugee policies and examines its explanatory purchase through the analysis of longitudinal data on visa and asylum statistics. We argue that while the model provides an interesting framework through which to analyse executive decisions in this field, it underestimates the opportunities and constraints provided by the institutional context in which policy choices are made. We argue that ‘over-time’ variation in the influence of non-majoritarian institutions (in Europe, increasingly those operating at the EU level) provide a more compelling account of the dynamics of asylum and refugee policies over time than the political economy predictions of a ‘number vs. rights’ trade-off. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite long-standing recognition that variations exist between people's experiences of time, and that time is central to the framing of social life and bureaucratic systems, migration scholars have tended to neglect the temporal dimension in their exploration of mobility. This continues to be the case today despite it being over a decade since Saulo Cwerner, in this journal, called for migration researchers to give greater attention to time. This article seeks to reinvigorate the debate, drawing on ethnographic research with refused asylum seekers and immigration detainees in the UK to question how an appreciation of time provides insights into understandings of mobility and deportability. It argues that deportable migrants suffer from the instability and precarity created by living with a dual uncertainty of time, one that simultaneously threatens imminent and absent change. The article distinguishes between four experiential temporalities (sticky, suspended, frenzied and ruptured), and considers how the re-appropriation of time might aid individual resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transit migration is generally defined by migrants having the intention to move onwards to a third country. Based on an empirical investigation in Izmir, a transit migration hub in Turkey, this paper critically discusses intentionality as a valid dimension in conceptualisations of transit migration. The study found that migrants' intentions in this transit migration hub are highly fluctuating because of their embeddedness in socio-institutional environments, which continuously affect migrants' social capital, risk perceptions and coping strategies, causing new migration intentions to arise. The study argues that intention is a problematic criterion in conceptualising transit migration, due to a conceptual fallacy where transit migration flows are taken as the unit of analysis whereas intentions are individual attributes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article concerns the interplay between government policy and practice and refugee children's welfare as these issues have been brought to the fore in public debate and controversy in the recent past in Sweden. Framed by the tension between immigration law and human rights conventions such as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), incidences of ill-health and suffering among asylum-seeking children have both spurred public concerns over their vulnerability and welfare and questioned the authenticity and legitimacy of their claims. The images reflect the ambiguous constructions of refugee children and their families either as victims or as untrustworthy 'others'. The article addresses the ways in which the focus on children resonates particularly in the Swedish context, related both to a long-standing concern with children's wellbeing and to a Swedish self-image as international model for children's rights. The issues manifested in the Swedish context form part of a wider problematic: suffering and vulnerability are expressions of, but also a potential resource in, an extremely harsh situation of severely limited options; they also have something to say about the risks of 'humanitarianism' and the changing terms of asylum in Europe today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experiences of separated asylum-seeking children and considers the implications of dominant understandings of 'childhood' for the ways in which the children's experiences of persecution and violence are interpreted in the UK asylum system. Although there is a widely held consensus among academics that the boundaries of 'childhood' are socially constructed-and that this is reflected in differences in what it means to be a 'child' over time and across space-this understanding is largely absent from the policies and practices that constitute the asylum determination process. Children who claim asylum are constructed as passive, vulnerable, dependent, asexual and apolitical victims (usually at the hands of adults) who should be allowed to stay on a discretionary basis until they turn 18 but who are not considered deserving of, or entitled to, protection under international law. Where children assert their agency and insist that their political and sexual experiences are taken into account, this may undermine their claims to be children at all. This article draws on the accounts of separated children seeking asylum in the UK to suggest that a more nuanced and contextualised understanding of the political, social and cultural contexts from which children originate is needed to ensure that children are granted the protection they need and deserve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maintains that there are certain aspects of the UK asylum system which may lead to statelessness-like situations. In order to understand how this can happen, we reconsider Hannah Arendt's concept of statelessness, which entails three losses of home (exile), state protection (basic rights) and having a place in the world (political rights). Through interviews with refused and long-term asylum-seekers in Oxford and London, and one focus group, we examine the impact of negative asylum-application decisions on applicants' access to rights. The main finding of this research is that, when denied state protection, refused asylum-seekers endure an existence not unlike stateless people. This study calls into question the application of key principles of human rights as they relate to refused asylum-seekers, especially the tenets of dignity and non-discrimination, and the right to family life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of refugees in Western societies is often perceived as problematic, both by refugees and by the native population. By promoting refugee entrepreneurship, integration into the host society can be assisted, and domestic entrepreneurship boosted. Refugee entrepreneurship has been an underdeveloped domain of scientific research. The number of refugee entrepreneurs in Belgium is limited and they earn less than other self-employed people. Interviewing advisors and refugee entrepreneurs yields several insights into the obstacles encountered. These are grouped under three headings: market opportunities and access to entrepreneurship, human capital and social networks, and the institutional and societal environment. It appears that refugees suffer more from barriers than other immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the insights of feminist theories of identity, this paper examines the ways in which problematic concepts of home, family, belonging and the ‘immigrant woman’ underpin discourses of immigration and asylum. It explores these issues through a critical reading of both government policy documents and tabloid press representations, and considers how these texts both presume and produce gendered limits to the terms of citizenship and belonging in contemporary Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critical examination of various community cohesion and asylum and immigration reports and strategies produced in the United Kingdom in recent years, and culminating in the Home Office's Strength in Diversity consultation strategy launched in May 2004. I argue that, in these various reports and documents, reducing race inequality and integrating ‘new’ migrants into British society take precedence over other considerations, and especially over problems facing the often already disadvantaged White ‘host’ communities that receive ‘new’ migrants through the National Asylum Dispersal Scheme. In this paper this emphasis on asylum-seekers’ ‘integration’ will be contrasted with recommendations found in the Community Cohesion Panel's report The End of Parallel Lives? (2004), which advocates a balanced approach combining the managed settlement of asylum-seekers into ‘host’ communities and the Home Office's emphasis on managing ‘new migrant’ integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qualitative evidence on human smuggling and the asylum system in Austria suggests that there are strong links between the two phenomena. This paper asks whether there is also statistical evidence to support this presumption. Using data on the asylum system as well as on apprehension of illegal migrants in Austria, this question is addressed by looking at the nationalities of asylum-seekers and illegal as well as smuggled migrants. Apprehended illegal migrants do indeed apply for asylum quite frequently, a fact that also shows up in statistics on the nationalities of asylum-seekers. In addition, those nationalities that have been identified as having been smuggled into Austria most frequently are also among those that have the highest rates of disappearance during the asylum procedures. Moreover, the tendency to 'disappear' before a decision is made is not linked to the chances to be granted asylum in Austria as expressed by recognition rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines new migration to Europe in the context of EU enlargement and debates about fortress Europe, framing the general agenda for the papers that follow in this special issue. We argue that the (normatively informed) image of fortress Europe is an inadequate account of migration and migration policy in Europe in three respects: the movement of family members, asylum-seekers and labour migrants has been substantially positive; enlargement itself generates dynamics of inclusion as much as exclusion; and there exists a significant component of intra-European circulatory migration. Against the fortress account, the article offers a market-driven analysis of new migration to Europe. In developing this account, we stress how existing theoretical accounts of immigration policy - dominated by a state-centred institutionalist and political focus - offer at best only partial explanations of the new European migration scenario. Both neo-liberal and older Marxian theories of the international immigration labour market need to be re-introduced to explain the selective, expansive and reconfiguring effect of market forces on European immigration policies. Our aim is to underline how new tendencies in East-West migration in Europe challenge and transform the traditional migrant trajectory from migrant to citizen that lies at the heart of state-centred accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question of how to advance the sociology of migrants' rights, in the context of universalist claims with regard to the emergence of 'post-national' rights. It is argued that attention should be paid to a more traditionally sociological approach which emphasises boundary drawing and the varied processes of inclusion and exclusion in the construction and implementation of rights—such as to constitute a system of 'civic stratification'. This paper applies such an approach to an analysis of recent developments in Britain's immigration and asylum regime, including the recent entry into force of the Human Rights Act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]