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This paper reviews the author's experience in becoming a medical sociologist before the field had become formalized. The contributions to medical sociology of sociologist Selden D. Bacon and physician and medical educator William R. Willard are described. The relationship of medical sociology to medical behavioral science, as experienced at the University of Kentucky, is discussed. Finally, the thesis of the author's 1957 paper on the nature and status of medical sociology is re-examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a revision of the address given upon receipt of the Leo G. Reeder Award for distinguished Scholarship in Medical Sociology. It was presented on August 19, 1987 to the Medical Sociology Section of the American Sociological Association during its annual meeting held in Chicago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data drawn from interviews and observations with 18 families whose children were diagnosed with life-threatening, often rare diseases, I examine how families accessed and negotiated medical care at a top 10–ranked university research hospital. Access to highly specialized and technologically advanced care was essential in these critical cases. Combining analysis of these high-stakes cases with recent work highlighting the interactional dynamics of care delivery, I show how families followed different paths to elite care and used different illness management strategies throughout the treatment process depending on their ability to mobilize what Janet Shim terms cultural health capital. These diverging illness management strategies reproduced inequality even at the top of the U.S. healthcare system by allowing some families to secure microadvantages throughout the illness experience. These findings suggest a complex interplay between structures of care delivery and families’ illness management strategies and point to the need for broader conceptualizations of healthcare advantages. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For the past two decades, evidence-based medicine (EBM), or the reliance on current scientific evidence to reach medical decisions, has been embraced as a new paradigm to standardize clinical care. Drawing from in-depth interviews with seventeen pediatric residents in two residency programs, we evaluate the extent to which the medical sociology scholarship on uncertainty analytically elucidates the recent influx of EBM during residency training. Our findings suggest that residents interpret EBM in varying ways to match their work practices: "Librarians" consult the literature while "researchers" evaluate it critically. For both groups, EBM might generate new uncertainties due to the increased reliance on information technologies and epidemiology. Whether EBM reduces uncertainty depends upon the residents 'understanding of standardized knowledge and consequent incorporation of EBM in their clinical practice. Contrary to the predictions of some sociologists, EBM does not lead to a diminishment of humanitarian values in medical care. Nor does EBM lead to a science-based meritocracy on the patient ward, as claimed by some EBM advocates. Our conceptual updating of uncertainty emphasizes the continuous management of uncertainty during the medical socialization process. We argue that managing uncertainty develops along with what we term evidence-based clinical judgment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current situation in health care organizations, among providers and for people, dramatically challenges the "business as usual" roles of medicine, government, insurance companies, the community, and the university. Health care reform marks the first attempt in a century to consider a reconstruction of the social contract between society and medicine. While sociology stands as one of the earliest social sciences to systematically study the health care arena and create a health-focused subfield, there is a perception, not without support, of a desertion of identity from within, an encroachment by other areas from without, and abandonment by the parent discipline. We argue that these situations in medical arenas and in research fields require serious rethinking. The key lies in understanding how these phenomena are related to each other and to larger social forces, and how they offer opportunities, rather than signal limitations, to medical sociologists. We turn to the theoretical tools of sociology to help unravel the complicated challenges that face both policymakers and researchers. After framing these issues in a sociology of knowledge perspective, we use the case of "utilization theory" to illustrate the connections between society and systems of care (as well as studies of them) and to create a future agenda. We end by raising three basic questions: (1) Why is a sociological perspective critical to the understanding of change and reform in health care? (2) Why is medical sociology critical to the survival of the general sociological enterprise? and (3) Why is general sociology critical to the research agenda in medical sociology? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of care, integral to medical sociology and to the sociology of health and illness, suggests new challenges in two key areas of this field: 1) within professional socialization, an examination of socialization to ethical thinking, behavior, and identity among professional caregivers, building on the substantial literature already accumulated; 2) in the arena of hidden or informal care providers, an analysis of male and female informal providers and the productive work, other than care, done by these individuals. In both analyses, as well as in all medical sociology and sociology of health and illness, gender, race, and class require more attention. Both analytic endeavors influence the substance and the contours of the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from the 1984 Illinois Comparative Health Survey are used to examine whether the poor have adopted a consumer orientation toward professional health services in view of the reduction of financial barriers and clear signs of increased physician utilization. It was found, however, that lower-status persons stand as more or less passive recipients of such services. with a significantly greater tendency to invest responsibility for their own physical health in the health-care delivery system itself. Yet there was a general lack of difference with respect to health lifestyles involving food habits, emphasis on appearance, sports and exercise, smoking, and alcohol use. A culture-of-medicine thesis was found to provide a stronger explanation of this situation than a culture-of-poverty perspective. Medicine and the mass media have promoted the practice of a healthy lifestyle, but have not encouraged consumerism in the physician-patient relationship. Consequently, it appears that where social institutions provide positive sanctions, self-management and consumerism seems to grow for the poor; but where negative sanctions exist, consumerism does not seem to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]