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This paper explores the way Soviet party and education officials dealt with female youth sexuality, in an effort to get it under control in order to ensure that Soviet girls grew up to be productive members of Soviet society. Many of the policies enacted by the regime reflected profound social conservatism of the majority of the top political leadership of the country and their great fear of youth, and particularly female, sexuality, as a force that could not be overcome, controlled or fully harnessed for the service of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial governmentality in India reconstituted the public sphere. New political rationalities that constituted modern governmental power and the liberal technologies of government effected a new conception of economy and society. Governmentality’s governance of colonial conduct in an improving direction socialized native public opinion to question the legitimacy of the colonial covenant. As native opinion against colonial rule sharpened, colonial liberalism had often to make a volte-face of its liberal principle and was forced to suppress public opinion. Gandhi alone sought to overturn colonial governmentality and in doing so, provided a conception of public opinion that could transcend the limits of liberal reason. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author offers a few remarks on an introductory kind of a reading of Rees Davies's Ford Lectures: The First English Empire 1093-1343, Michael Clanchy's circulated paper, and Steve Hindle's suggestion on the authors thought about the state's relation to other forms of authority as well as about the history of governance without reference to the state. Countries are not laid up in heaven says Rees, but peoples surely are: the Jews most obviously, yet does not every other people believe they are too-- and notably the English, Chinese, and Americans. Rees opines that countries are made in the hearts and minds of men and women. England was made in this manner so early and so well he maintains that its political culture could not be and perhaps never can be inclusive. It is also opined that rich farming regions must have a good deal to do with the origins of states. It is informed that the restlessness of the farmer of fields is surely where one might look for the origins of capitalism-- that scourge of the ecological balance of the world because it needs new fields and pastures green in order to strip them: capitalism's very existence being dependent on destroying one thing after another.

This paper compares British and French representations of caste in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a formative period in the development of sociology and social anthropology in the two countries. The concepts of 'nature' and 'culture' in the two sociological traditions are examined with respect to their analyses of caste. The two discourses are also analyzed in relation to their respective colonial histories and national political cultures during this epocho [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expanding the traditional question of how and why the bomb was built when it was. this paper asks how socio-historical factors influenced the reception of the bomb in the West. It suggests that the bomb was received as the 'winning weapon' and that this view of it was linked to two historical factors: the Great Collapse, which undermined belief in historical progress and threatened the survival of the democracies: and the failure of balancing, the inability of the democracies, for a number of sociopolitical reasons, to act in their own collective security. As the winning weapon, the bomb was expected to overcome these problems. More broadly, the analysis suggests that when collective actions do not appear capable of redressing persistent threats, then leaders tend to invest their faith in technological panaceas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author presents his views on various persons known to him. Jack Simmons and W.G. Hoskins were the greatest of friends after Simmons came to Leicester in 1947. The evening before observing the fields of Oadby the had led a seminar in a textile mill now the Arts Building at De Montfort University: the city's second university lies at its industrially inert centre and what Simmons and Hoskins would have made of its cannibal instincts he does not dare to think. The seminar was on the massacre of Jews by Poles at the village of Jedwabne in July 1941. Ten people were present the better part of them being personal friends of Panikos. Some others were there because they were going to eat at an Indian restaurant in the London Road afterwards their Christmas treat. The author particularly likes Patrick Collinson's definition of capitalism as pointillist and his insistence on the opening up of cultural divisiveness at the Reformation. Cultural philistinism also arrived on an English scene it would thereafter dominate. The English upper classes might not have been congenitally idiotic but they were inclined to regard any pleasure other than hunting shooting and fishing as either un-English or unruly.

The article focuses upon the concept of the State theory in reference of American capitalism. It further defines state from various parameters. The state, in a capitalist society is an executive committee of the bourgeoisie. Economist John Hoffman debates that whether the state belongs at the heart of theory of politics. As Robert Alford and Roger Friedland's finds that even after writing four hundred pages of the book "Powers of Theory," they were clueless about the suitable definition of the state and it still remains a remarkably ambiguous one. In "An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution," Charles Beard proposed a thesis, whose general thrust was simple and provocative, and which quickly proved to be very popular among the progressive historians of his time: he maintained that the constitution was drafted by members of the upper class to serve the interests of a privileged minority, and was ratified through an undemocratic process. More specifically, Beard contended that it was the commercial faction of the upper class, wealthy merchants and public security holders, as against the landed faction who by writing this new constitution, produced a document that protected, served, and furthered their class interests.

This essay analyzes the relationship between France as an imperial nation-state and the discourse of Greater France that intensified during the interwar period. I am interested in the way that the figure of Greater France sought to stage and reconcile – not justify, rationalize, or mystify – structural contradictions between republican and imperial systems of government. I argue that there is an intrinsic relationship between colonial discourse and its corresponding political form. By posing questions about the status we assign to colonial ideology through the analysis of a series of influential colonial texts, this essay pays special attention to the dissociation of nationality and citizenship that characterized a political form composed of a metropolitan parliamentary government articulated with a colonial administrative regime. I hope to reframe the familiar discussion of the proliferating representations of empire that circulated in metropolitan France after World War One. The figure of la plus grande France that developed then allows us to interrogate the French imperial nation-state at a doubly paradoxical historical conjuncture characterized by the consolidation of both the republic and the empire, on the one hand, and by unprecedented crises of the republic and colonial legitimacy, on the other. Interwar imperialism produced qualitative and evaluative distinctions between different French colonies but I will focus on the more general conceptions of the empire as such that circulated through the discourse of Greater France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a comparison of redemocratized Argentina and Uruguay, this article shows how distinct historical paths of citizenship affect the strategies and practices enacted in different political communities. The analysis focuses on the societal confrontation with the legacy of human rights violations as the new democratic governments attempted to balance normative principles with political contingencies. Embedded in their particular paths of citizenship, both societies adopted different strategies of post-dictatorial justice and reconciliation, with Argentina achieving a tenuous institutional resolution of this confrontation, while Uruguay achieved a shared resolution, bolstered by popular mobilization and debate, which reinforced the component of civility in its collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mapping productivist logic derived from the history of capitalism onto the rest of the world blocks the view of alternative systems, and their internal logic. Theories of the capitalist state can capture neither the nature of the non-capitalist states nor those states' social and economic relations. Our alternative formulation of the Ottoman state disassociates class, property, and distribution from the sphere of production and associates them with the state. Thereby, Ottoman history sheds its petrified cloak and the Ottoman state comes to life; motion, change and class conflict are things Ottoman once again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The humanizing, liberating and progressive aspects of Westernization in the history of Russia have been studied in detail by Western and Soviet scholars, and they have been established beyond question for most specialists in the field. At the same lime, it is worth emphasizing that Western institutions and values were not automatically applicable within the Russian context. Even more importantly, the West was not homogenous a England was not more typically Western than Germany or Denmark. The degree to which capitalism had penetrated Russian rural life and the characteristic features of peasant political and economic activity continues to be a matter of much scholarly debate. It should be emphasized that there is no disagreement what so ever about the existence of widely varying levels of economic differentiation. In certain respects, the history of Russian uses of the West provides something of a cautionary note to educated Russians who see Westernization as the solution to all of their problems. The Western economic example is complex. Its lessons are varied and subject to a wide range of interpretation.