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Foreword Preface Lists of Maps and Illustrations PART ONE: INTRODUCTION: Spartacus and the Slave Wars The Slave Wars in Italy and Sicily Spartacus: the Man, the Myth, and the Modern Symbol of Rebellion Reading Greek and Roman History Sources A Note about the Text PART TWO: DOCUMENTS Slave Life on the Large Farms: Work, Organization and Surveillance Gladiators, Slaves and Resistance Fugitive Slaves and Maroon Communities Slave Revolts in Italy and Sicily before the Great Slave Wars The First Sicilian Slave War, 135-131 BC The Second Sicilian Slave War, 104-100 BC The Spartacus Slave War, 73-71 BC APPENDICES A List of the Principal Authors and their Sources Glossary of Greek and Latin Terms Chronology of Events of the Slave Wars (198-60 BC) Questions for Consideration Selected Bibliography

The tradition and spirituality of Judaism has touched people the world over for thousands of years. With the arrival in the near East of Alexander the Great and the destruction of the Temple in AD70, the synagogue came to represent a new era of this powerful religion, one which witnesses a greater emphasis on shared religious experience and prayer. In turn, the synagogue, derived from the Greek, meaning an "assembly", has come to mean the Jewish house of worship, evolving into a "sacred realm", in which the Torah came to play a central role linking the biblical past with the messianic future. Of course, the synagogue has been much more than a house of worship - it served the Jewish people as a place of learning, a community centre, and often as the official seat of Jewish self-government. Indeed, it is the institution most closely associated with the development of post-biblical Judaism thoughout the ages. This study offers a comprehensive history of the architectural and archaeological development of the synagogue from the third century BC to AD700. Telling the story of over 100 ancient synagogues throughout the world and their place in the history of Judaism and of Western civilization, this book provides a representation of the cultural, intellectual and artistic achievements of 3000 years of Jewish experience. This book accompanies an exhibition organized by the Yeshiva University Museum in New York.

Caesar against Liberty? An Introduction (Elaine Fantham) Caesar and Gaul: Some Perspectives on the Bellum Gallicum (Robin Seager ) Caesar the Liberator? Factional politics, civil war, and ideology (Kurt Raaflaub) Tactics in Caesar's Correspondence with Cicero (Peter White) Three Wise Men and the End of the Roman Republic (Elaine Fantham) In Caesar's Wake: The Ideology of the Continuators (Ronald Cluett) Julius Caesar and Octavian in Nicolaus (Mark Toher) Clementia after Caesar: from Politics to Philosophy (Miriam Griffin) Caesar's Reforms (Emilio Gabba) Caesar's Powers in his last Phase (Marta Sordi). Bibliographical Addendum (John G Nordling).

The words in the stone Co-ordinates for a cv Playing a second fiddle Sand-bagging the Danube Thank heaven for that - vv 1-8 Dancing in the street - vv 9-14 Saecular fun and games - vv 15-18 You sing it, I'll play it - vv 19-37 You had us all worried there - vv 38-49 At death's door - vv 50-57 Translation of Statius "siluae "1.4 he's in God's hands now - vv 58-62,106 The VIP treatment - vv 61-8, 94-7 "A Roman life", on paper - vv 68-93 Apollo's pharmacy - vv 98-105 Take up thy bed, and walk - vv 106-14 It takes a worried man to sing a worried song - vv 115-22 Many happy returns - vv 123-31 It's the thought that counts - "Siluae" 1.4 and the preface The sacred wood - Statius' book of etiquette ("Siluae I")

Introduction: Cicero's Philosophical works and their Background 1. Cicero's Plato and Aristotle 2. Cicero's Definition of res publica 3. Silencing the Troublemaker: De Legibus 1.39 and the continuity of Cicero's scepticism 4. Probabile, veri simile, and related Terms 5. Cicero on Epicurean Pleasures 6. Cicero on self-love and love of humanity in De Finibus 3 7. Form and Content in the Tusculan Disputations 8. Cicero and the Therapists 9. Causes and Necessary Conditions in the Topica and De fato 10. Cicero's translations from Greek 11. '...a self-indulgent misuse of leisure and writing?' How not to write philosophy: did Cicero get it right? 12. Philosophical Badinage in Cicero's letters to his friends

The square piece of linen cloth (pl. iv) which I propose to discuss in this note was acquired by V. S. Goleniščev in Egypt some years ago, and forms part of his splendid collection of Egyptian antiquities, which was subsequently incorporated into the Alexander III Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow, now the State Museum of Fine Arts. Years ago I reproduced and discussed it in a short paper (Monuments of Alexander III Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow iv, 1913, 149–153 (in Russian) and pl. xxiv in colour) in which I interpreted it as a military vexillum. My paper remained, however, unnoticed by students of military antiquities. For example, in 1923, so careful and well-informed a scholar as Kubitschek (P-W s.v. ‘Signa’ 2337 f.) in speaking of the inscriptions which appear on the vexilla, after quoting Cassius Dio xl, 18, and Vegetius ii, 13, says: ‘andere Bestätigungen haben wir nicht, und (fast darf man sagen: selbstverständlich) ist auch kein vexillum erhalten.’

This paper aims to illustrate the practical application of myth in public life under the early Principate. It begins by sketching the deep historical affection of the people of Rome for the twins Castor and Pollux, and the great posthumous popularity of Nero Claudius Drusus for generations after his death in 9 b.c. Concentrating on the dedicatory inscription of the Temple of Castor and Pollux in Rome, the paper argues that Tiberius Caesar, notoriously addicted to mythology, crafted a potent public association between the heavenly twins and himself and his brother Drusus, and it goes on to examine the effect of that association.

A good deal has been written about the origin and recruitment of centurions, but their language use has not been analysed as an index to their literacy, culture, educational levels, and (in some cases) bilingualism. This paper will be about the sociolinguistics of the centurionate. I take as my starting point two poems from Bu Njem in the African desert, one of which has only recently been published for the first time.The military outpost of Bu Njem (Golas, Gholaia) lay 200 km south of Cape Misurata in the desert of Tripolitania. The fort, the construction of which began some time after 24 January 201, was garrisoned by auexillatioof thelegio III Augusta, and later by anumerus collatus. From here there survive ostraca of various kinds dated mainly to the 250s, but in this paper I am going to deal with the unlikely topic of poetic activity within the camp. Curiously, we have poems set up on stone in the name of two centurions, both of them acrostichs which spell out the centurions' names. The first, in iambic senarii and dated 202–3, has the name of Q. Avidius Quintianus, the second, dated to early 222, that of M Porcius Iasucthan;Iasucthanis of Libyan origin. This poem, on a charitable view, is composed in hexameters. The poems provide remarkable evidence for the cultural and linguistic level of centurions, if one can make the assumption that the texts were the responsibility of the two centurions themselves.

The aim of the present paper is to reassess the events connected with the Romanization of the Etruscan metropolis of Volaterrae in the light of recent archaeological findings. The results of the Cecina Valley survey and of other related fieldwork have prompted a full reconsideration of the issue: indeed, they show a very different picture when compared with some of the recent mainstream reconstructions of the making of central Roman Italy; in particular, they are in sharp contrast with what was found in other Tyrrhenian regions, such as Southern Etruria or Campania. In line with these developments, recent local work in various parts of Italy now strongly suggests the need to consider each area, almost each civitas, individually, leaving aside for the moment overarching models based on insufficient data. This appears to resonate with a wider and growing realization that the process of Romanization, all over the Empire, exhibits a very heterogeneous and dialectic character, so much so that the appropriateness of the very term has often been put in question. For this reason, Romanization will be used here only in its weakest sense, simply as a convenient term covering the events involved in the creation of a new and unified political entity, disclaiming any assumptions concerning the acculturation of non-Roman ethnic groups. What is clearly emerging is a need for a new generation of regional studies, with the aim of carefully charting the trajectory of each community towards incorporation in the Roman state and working towards the creation of far more robust and informed syntheses. The present paper strives to make a contribution in this direction.

'The Syrian is full of God, the Phoenician a polymath' was the stock judgement on the respective merits of the 'divine' lamblichus (I.) and the 'erudite' Porphyry among their philosophical progeny (David, In Porph. Isag. 4; Damascius, In Phaed. I.172; Psellus in the Preliminary Scholion to the De AMysternis). However, even if this allegedly Delphic aphorism has not encountered any serious opposition among either anciernt or modern scholars, it is salutary to remember that each generation of critics loaded the words Ev6ovo and aoXuvtacOg with a different semantic value. Indeed, the ever-changing meaning behind the words seems to form the natural point of departure for any consideration of I., an author whose theories have largely to be extricated from references made by his followers. Yet to what extent, one may legitimately ask, did these followers understand him? I. was a revisionist thinker and a holy man and this difficult combination of genius and sanctity was the main reason for the reverent incomprehension shown towards I. by almost all those who came into contact with him. Indeed, a careful reading of those passages in their works which discuss the views of the 'divine' I. increasingly reveals a massive misunderstanding of the man's aims and achievement, and a foolish fascination both with the external tokens of his holiness and with the most ceremonial aspects of his theology (cf. below). If the epigoni cannot be taken as unqualified guides in this quest for I., it is essential to turn to what survives of his own writings, and try to trace the paramount influences on this original mind, while scanning the way in which they were absorbed. One would hope then to track down I. between the parameters of the influences on him and of the perpetually moving image held by his followers. Unfortunately such an approach was not adopted by the organizers of the conference from which the volume under review derives, with the result that this first collective work solely devoted to I. lacks root, focus, and perspective. Leaving aside their individual merits, the fourteen papers, which deal with technical philosophical problems, appear disjointed because they lack a framework and a rigorously defined point of reference. There is no link between the papers: indeed the discussion between scholars which forms the only constructive function in the industry of conferences and which could have endowed this volume with some humanity, structure, and shape is absent, and this heightens the impression left by these disparate voices of a dialogue des sourds. Searching I.'s writings and the testimonies of those who knew him for clues regarding his development is not a straightforward process. For one thing, I. did not enjoy the questionable privilege of having his life written by a pupil, or indeed by anyone. What we know about him and it is frustratingly little comes from Eunapius, who was I.'s spiritual great-grandson. Eunapius preserved in his Lives of Philosophers a few anecdotes which ring true,. hagiographical trivialities, and one or two details of school mythology. Among the latter is to be found the information that, after studying with Anatolius of Laodicea, I. 'attached himself to Porphyry' (V.I.2). This, together with the off-hand reference of I. himself to 'having heard' a certain theory from Porphyry, lumped together for the occasion with 'other' anonymous Platonists (Stobaeus,Anth. I.49.37; cf. In Tim. fr. 64.24 (Dillon)), has been taken as evidence that I. was Porphyry's pupil, and from these 'data' have been drawn all kinds of significant conclusions regarding a life about which in fact we know virtually nothing. This is why it is important to consider these two passages in their proper historical context. As regards Eunapius, we must never lose sight of the fact that he was a fervent pagan but no philosopher, writing with naive adoration the history of Neoplatonism at a time when this tradition had not yet taken flight but rather seemed in mortal danger under the impact both of internal inactivity and dissent and of outward pressure. For reasons of dynastic theology Eunapius wanted to believe, and have us believe, in a neat pedagogic relationship between Porphyry and I., which would automatically establish a linear spiritual descent between his own master and Plotinus, while securing at the same time a central position in this metaphysical chain for his hero, the emperor Julian. Eunapius' superbly simple scheme of the Platonic diadoche, Plotinus-Porphyry-Iamblichus-Aedesius-Julian-ChrysanthiusEunapius, has as was probably intended given rise to a whole mythology of intellectual and

The traditional problem of Silver Latin poetry, and Silver Latin epic especially, has been its attraction to the extravagant, the grotesque, the infinite, the absurd, in other words, its propensity for excess. Statius'Thebaidin particular has been considered guilty of this offence. Recent criticism, however, has tended to see Silver Latin poetry not simply as being excessive, but as being deeply concerned with excess—cultural, ideological, and poetic. In this paper I hope to demonstrate that such a concern is a prominent characteristic of Statius'Thebaid, by exploring perhaps the most important manifestation of excess in the poem, madness. I will argue that theThebaid's excessiveness is fundamental and necessary, rather than detrimental, to its overall effect. But this paper, like theThebaid, will not concentrate exclusively on excess, for it will prove to be only the starting-point for a specific interpretation of the patterns of action and madness in theThebaid.

This paper presents a new manuscript of part of theHistoria Augustafrom Erlangen, which vindicates a more than century-old hypothesis by E. Patzig: that the 1489 Venice edition of the work is textually valuable. On this basis, and building on the recent work of R. Modonutti, I present five new passages that are not printed in modern editions of theHA, six lacunose passages restored, and propose that the lost Murbach manuscript is the source. Armed with this new evidence, I re-examine the question of the great lacuna between theLives of Maximus and Balbinusand theLives of the Two Valerians, showing that it is a codicological — and not authorial — feature.

Since Mommsen, it has been a tenet of Roman history that Augustus transformed the ‘senatorial order’ into a hereditary class, which encompassed senators, their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren in the male line. This paper shows that the idea of a hereditaryordo senatoriusis a myth without foundation in the evidence. Augustus and his successors conferred new rights and duties upon relatives of senators, but did not change their formal rank. Moreover, the new regulations applied not to three generations of descendants, but only to persons who stood under a senator'spatria potestasduring his lifetime. Emperors protected the honour and property of thesefilii familiasof senators, in order to incentivise them to participate in politics and invest their wealth into munificence. The Supplementary Material available online gives all known early imperial holders of the titleclarissimus virin the province of Africa (Supplementary Appendix 1), all known early imperialclarissimi iuuenes(Supplementary Appendix 2) and all known early imperialclarissimi pueri(Supplementary Appendix 3).

This paper explores alternatives to analysing the political impact of Augustus in terms of the establishment of a new constitutional structure, the Augustan Principate. It starts by showing how the wordprincipatuschanged over time and explores the significance of the termstatio. It considers how contemporaries viewed the political changes that occurred during Augustus’ lifetime, analysing the ways in which power at Rome became increasingly embodied in the person of Augustus himself. It suggests that there was an increasing recognition that Augustus was an exceptional individual, whose position in the state was supported by powers granted formally by senatorial decree and popular vote as well as informally by acclamation, but whose authority was ultimately a personal quality, supported by the gods, and predestined by birth. It traces the ways in which Augustus’ rule became increasingly personalised, with the result that one of the main challenges faced by Tiberius ina.d. 14 was how to take over Augustus’ personal role asprinceps.

Fresh water came from a variety of sources, streams and springs as well as aqueducts. Much of the Roman law on fresh water concerns its supply, regulating rights to use it with a variety of legal institutions from public and private law (e.g. ownership, servitudes, interdicts). The study of fresh water has usually followed the legal categories, segregating the public water supply from water that was private property, and consequently segregating different types of evidence. In this paper varied evidence is analysed using the ‘bundle’ approach, an analytical framework from legal scholarship on rights in the environment, in which water rights are not monolithic but are represented by component rights, including rights of access, withdrawal, management, exclusion and alienation. Analysing component rights in fresh water reveals significant continuities in the Romans' regulation of it and the impact of this regulation. Although there was no centralized water administration in the early Empire, Romans took a systematic approach to regulating fresh water based on consistent working principles and policy priorities.

These volumes contain the revised texts of papers presented at a conference held in January 1979 at the Gramsci Institute in Pisa. Most collections of conference papers comprise articles of varying quality, and there is no need to exemplify that again here. What merits discussion is the overall theme of these papers, the significance of that theme, the way in which it is approached, and the results achieved. These volumes are essential reading for those seriously interested in the economic and social history of Italy in the later Republic and early Empire. But for most British historians there is a cultural hurdle. The contributors are predominantly Italian, the viewpoint is primarily Mlarxist, many of the papers treat archaeological evidence. Not one of these ingredients is in itself unusual, but the combination produces the distinct and original flavour of a school of modern Italian scholarship which we sometimes find difficult to digest. Here there is a further problem-the papers do not form an immediately obvious organic whole. It would, however, be a mistake to suppose that they lack a unity of purpose and direction. On offer are preliminary studies towards an understanding of a large and complex subject, the nature and effects of Roman exploitation of slave labour. Preliminary, both because more archaeological evidence is continually coming to light (and historians should note the readiness of the archaeological contributors to stress the provisional nature of their findings), and also because the methodology of the study of this subject is constantly being refined. But these volumes represent a significant advance on both counts.

In a recent article, ‘Augustan Poetry and the Life of Luxury’, JRS 66 (1976), 87, I argued that much recent scholarship has misjudged the Augustan poets in certain important respects, because it has been thought in principle possible to separate ‘literature’ and ‘life’, as if they were clearly distinguishable entities; in reality, the two affect each other in a ceaseless mutual interaction. That argument was developed as a general treatment of the βίος φιλήδονος as presented in Latin literature, and as lived in reality in a society in which Greek and Italian elements, poetical motifs and real behaviour, were inextricably intermingled.The present paper is devoted to a more particular enquiry into one poet and one type of historical figure. I argue that Propertius' presentation of himself in poetry as a lover—romantic, reckless and obsessed—is closely related to the figure in history of Mark Antony. That historical figure is itself to be seen in a long tradition of great lovers of pleasure, in which the actual lives of real men can be seen to be shaped and coloured by the influence of ‘literature’. The argument of my earlier paper does not depend for its validity upon the acceptance of the present one, but they both pursue the same approach.

In this paper I wish to discuss the evidence of certain pragmatic calculations in Martial's Epigrams and Statius' Silvae, prescinding entirely from whatever literary qualities this kind of poetry may have. Specifically, the paper is concerned with the problem of presentation, and it has two parts. Part I argues that the poets' published books represent only the last and least important means of presenting poems to patrons, and collects evidence for the ways in which the poems were primarily communicated, via recitation, impromptu performance, and private brochure. Discussion of a special form of presentation, the book-dedication, is reserved for Part II. After attempting to redefine the status of the dedication in an ancient book, I will explore a contrast that is apparent between Martial's procedure and Statius'.

This paper is meant to strengthen Hermann Dessau's contention that one man composed the Historia Augusta, not six as the collection itself attests. In the first and positive part I have gathered the soundest of his arguments together with any other evidence that seemed cogent, and supported the whole with representative citations from the text. The next three sections expose basic weaknesses in the defence of multiple authorship offered by his opponents. I will show how criticism based upon linguistic differences and upon contradictions between Scriptores fails, or at least has so far failed, to confirm the traditional view; and I will also insist upon the shallowness of that compromise which postulates far-reaching interpolation rather than original falsification. The paper ends with some suggestions about argumentation which I hope will win the sympathy of anyone else who must deal with the problem of authorship.

I am concerned in this paper with Plutarch's treatment of the story of Coriolanus, not with the historical truth of the legend or with its development before Plutarch's time. I start from the hypothesis that the Life is, in its essentials, a transposition into biographical form of the historical narrative in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, Books V to VIII. This has long been the common view. It was held and defended by Hermann Peter, Mommsen, and Eduard Schwartz. A careful reading of the two texts side by side tempts me to call it certain, so exact and frequent are the echoes. It is at any rate probable enough to justify an attempt to follow out its consequences by treating the differences between Dionysius and Plutarch, in default of other evidence, as Plutarch's constructions, to be explained in terms of his literary purposes and methods. This is what I shall do in the main part of this paper. I preface the details, however, by a few more general considerations.

The following paper attempts to fix the position of the house or houses of Augustus on the Palatine and of the temple of Apollo Palatinus. In the enquiries which led up to it, I have to acknowledge effectual help from Miss E. Van Deman, Dr. T. Ashby, Mrs. Strong, Mr. H. Stuart Jones, Professor Giovanni Pinza, author of a theory from which I have appropriated much, and last, but not least, Commendatore Boni and his assistants. Sr. Moggi, Mr. F. G. Newton, and Mr. J. W. Rodger of Cardiff have contributed the plans which accompany this paper.

In a paper published in the I9I7 volume of this Journal, pp. 59 ff., I attempted to make available for the general student the results of some recent research on coins. The present paper is designed to continue the task thus begun.1 It follows the same plan and is subject to the same restrictions. General principles are stressed, while for details reference is made to the special publications noted on pp. 263, 264. Only the imperial issues, not the purely local or provincial, are considered. The lengthy period included in our present survey may be conveniently divided into three parts: (A) from Vespasian to the death of Commodus. (B) from Septimius Severus to the accession of Valerian. (C) from Valerian and Gallienus to Diocletian. (A) At the death of Vespasian the mints of Rome were bearing the main burden of coinage. The imperial mint for gold and silver was working quite alone, while the Senatorial for aes2 was assisted only by a branch mint at Lugdunum. The activity of this Gallic mint apparently hardly extended into the reign of Domitian, and Rome was then left in possession of an unchallenged supremacy in coinage. No substantial change of system can be traced during the whole of the first period. Occasions for local coinage were by no means lacking-the German and Dacian wars of Domitian, the Dacian and Parthian wars of Trajan, the provincial journeys of Hadrian, the Parthian war of Verus and the Danube campaigns of Marcus Aurelius, the revolt of Avidius Cassius in the East at once come to the mind; but, in the main, with the exception of quite a few issues to be discussed immediately, the coinage preserves a uniformity of style and fabric which incline us to attribute it to one centre only. The longer one studies coits the less is one anxious to assert that the last word has been said about any branch of them. Intensive study may reveal differences undetected as yet by the eye or perhaps even unguessed by the mind. But, apart from the strong impression of uniformity made by the coins themselves, there are one or two considerations which bear strongly in the same direction: (a) There is good reason for thinking that series of coins were

Three articles of the highest importance have already been devoted to this subject, Dr. Helbig's epoch-making paper in Sitzungsberichte der Münchner Akademie, that in Marquardt's Staatsverwaltung and that of M. Jullian in Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionary, s.v. Flamen, which is really exhaustive. To these, as to the other works mentioned in this paper, every subsequent writer must record his debt; but room may still be found, especially in an English periodical, for a fresh consideration of the subject from its artistic as well as its historical aspect. It may also be useful to bring together in greater detail the monumental evidence for the priestly cap already existing in scattered publications; and welcome the opportunity now given me by the authorities of the British Museum and by Mr. C. Newton Robinson of adding several examples, one of high artistic importance, to those already known.