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An important characteristic of public policy formulation over the 1980s and 1990s, particularly in the English-speaking countries, has been the increasing use of contractual principles as regulatory tools. The 'new contractualism' represents the recent re-emergence and adaptation of the social contract of the 17th and 18th centuries and the classical legal contract that emerged in the 19th century. The work of Anna Yeatman provides the most cogent and influential, non-neo-liberal scholarly appraisal of the new contractualism. Yeatman argues that the current contractualist agenda is consistent with equality of opportunity, occasioning a redefinition of citizenship so as to improve on the discourse of social protection. This paper argues that any attempt to remove social protection – flawed though it is – from discussions of the new contractualism is artificial. The social justice implications of such a position are perilous, for policy formulation has not yet entered a phase in which social protection can be superseded in a way which does not violate the rights of the socio-economically disadvantaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of US hate crime legislation reveals a significant overall trend involving: (1) the inclusion of a notion of hate motivation on the part of the offender; (2) the provision for enhanced penalties; and (3) the identification of particular victimized groups who are listed in state and federal hate crime statutes. Whether or not a person is recognized as a hate crime victim in US statutes has been shown to be heavily influenced by the strength of social movements based on politicized identities. It is argued that this alignment problematizes the position of victims who are the targets of hate crimes yet who fail to organize on the basis of identity politics, lack political clout, have insufficient moral status, or who see hate crime legislation as an ineffective way of dealing with their particular concerns. This paper examines the barriers to achieving hate crime victim status for persons who are targeted because of their occupations or sexual orientation. The specific examples I will use are doctors and other workers in abortion clinics, sex workers and paedophiles. These widely disparate groups have been selected as examples to highlight some of the moral status, politicized identity and social movement and lobbying strength issues that are currently involved in being recognized as a victim of hate in the US. It is argued that Australia should not proceed down the track of introducing hate crime legislation. Hate crime legislation is the source of serious social disquiet and acrimony in the US. There are inequities built into the alignment between proving hate intent and the enhanced penalty approach that involve giving higher symbolic status to some bodies and not others. As the experience in the US shows, this has a dangerous potential to undermine social cohesion and community faith in equality before the law as well as creating a breeding ground of resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis offers a historical perspective to chart the contested discourses that inform understandings of the figure of the ‘bogan’, suggesting its evocation reflects unresolved tensions and accumulated meanings left by the various reconfigurations of class politics since colonial settlement in Australia. We focus on three key historical periods to show how socio-political formations influence both classed identities and class relations: the 1890s, when the ethos of the labour movement was established as the central imaginative motif of a nascent Australian nation; the post-war years, when Robert Menzies offered a political project grounded in the experiences of the middle classes; and the 1990s, where there were complex translocations of class allegiances. We trace how several meaning(s) of class have accumulated and been reworked across these periods and, related to this, how the ‘bogan’ is a composite of left- and right-wing political ideas that articulate different kinds of virtue and unworthiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent migratory movement known as Seachange is investigated in this article through the concept of place. Using Smith’s ‘Elementary Forms of Place’ model as a guide, and textual/media analysis coupled with qualitative research as examples, it is argued that the Seachange narrative is constructed on a dichotomous relationship to the city. While metropolitan areas are perceived as dull, stressful and degrading, the country and beach are sacralized through narratives of peace, quiet and serenity. Furthermore, the Seachange locales are also considered as places entrenched in the past, invoking aesthetics of traditional community values. Yet the sacralization of Seachange places is threatened by counter-narratives such as gentrification, commodification and sustainability issues which degrade the attractiveness of the locale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]