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This paper introduces and explores the psychological and social factors that both contribute to and inhibit behaviour change vis-à-vis sustainable (tourist) mobility. It is based on papers presented at theFreiburg 2012workshop. Specifically, it reviews climate change attitudes and perceptions, the psychological benefits of tourism mobilities, addictive elements of mobility and social norming effects, the attitude–behaviour gap (i.e. cognitive dissonance between understandings of, and responses to, climate change), the psychology of modal shifts, the psychology of travel speed/time and psychological explanations for the perceived importance of long distance travel. It notes that anthropogenic climate change is an inescapable reality and that tourism's share of greenhouse gas emissions appears set to rise substantially. There is little prospect of technical solutions adequately addressing this problem. The paper concludes that, while a comprehensive understanding of tourist psychology is necessary to inform policy-makers, it alone will be insufficient to achieve emission reductions, and bring tourism to a climatically sustainable pathway, if treated in isolation. Radical change in the structures of provision is also necessary. That change may take the form of infrastructure planning, including financial and economic infrastructure (e.g. taxation regimes and emission trading schemes) for sustainable mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The tourism sector's demand for food, and the distance some food travels, has significant impacts on greenhouse gas emissions and implications for climate change, especially in long haul small island state destinations. This paper describes the development of the concept of food miles, and the many measurement issues involved. It analyses a small island ecotourism project in Fiji where the source, and transport mode, of all food consumed over 35 months was recorded in detail, during which time conscious efforts were made to minimise imported foods and increase island-grown food. In 2008, the share of imported “non-Fiji” food was 18%, by 2010 it was reduced to 5%. On-site production had risen from zero to 15%. Off-island, but Fijian, food accounted for the balance. Food miles were reduced by over 50%; carbon emissions from food transport fell by over 20%. Some problems were encountered by the largely young (average age 27 years), largely UK/US visitors who were unused to “low carbon” diets with reduced meat levels. Ideas are put forward to overcome that challenge, including new/fashionable cooking techniques, and interpreting local food and farming to visitors. Management issues involved in larger scale ventures are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]