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While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in theNew York Timesby analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the ‘Crafted With Pride in the U.S.A.’ campaign, a high-profile effort to encourage American consumers to buy domestically made textiles and apparel. Using a wide range of sources, this study examines an important campaign that has received little scholarly attention. Launched in 1984, the initial seven-year operation cost $100 million, and the funds were used to sponsor Miss America and to purchase national advertising on network television, including commercials that featured celebrities such as Ted Danson, Linda Evans, Eddie Murphy, Jerry Hall, and Bob Hope. Funding was provided by both textile and apparel companies and by labor unions, who put aside their historic differences, because they recognized the seriousness of the import threat. Roger Milliken – a powerful executive with considerable political influence – also bankrolled the campaign. Overall, the Crafted With Pride effort did succeed in uniting the industry and in winning some important backers, most notably, Sam Walton of Wal-Mart. Overtime, however – and especially after Walton's death in 1992 – both Wal-Mart and some textile and apparel producers began to embrace off-shore production, and the campaign also struggled to change consumer behavior. Ultimately, importers and retailers prevailed, paving the way for the domestic industry's decline. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reconsiders the evolution of political action in the American Federation of Labor between 1947 and 1955 by examining the American Federation of Labor's (AFL's) first overtly political arm, Labor's League for Political Education. It argues that the key dynamic shaping labor's political activities in this crucial period was the tension between a tradition of non-partisanship and the imperatives of an evolving political landscape that made meaningful neutrality impossible. By 1952, decentralization, local autonomy, and non-partisanship had given way to a political identity marked by centralization, national coordination, and partisan alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay that explores the role that political repression played in the development of the early American labor movement is presented. The author argues against previous research that has stated that political repression in the United States was low compared to the European experience and had little effect on labor in the U.S. as well as an approach that states that labor repression in the U.S. was intense and more significant than the European experience.

The article presents a collection of papers that respond to an essay that compares the role of political repression in the early American labor movement and European labor movements. One paper questions the severity of political repression in the U.S. during the period in question, 1870 to 1914, and offers additional historical moments that influenced the labor movement in the U.S. Another paper discusses how the essay addresses the issue of American exceptionalism in the early American labor movement. An additional paper argues that the essay utilizes a crude conceptualization of political repression of labor movements and does not allow room for alternative explanations.

The Labor Movement and the Civil Rights Movement are often seen as two distinct movements for social justice. During the Second World War, however, this was not the case, as many activists and leaders argued that civil rights advances would enhance the egalitarian premise of the Labor Movement and as increased opportunities in employment seemed the best way to advance civil rights. These two movements came together to fight for the perpetuation of the wartime Fair Employment Practice Committee (FEPC), which had been initially spurred on by the great labor leader A. Philip Randolph. During and after the war, when Northern business interests and Southern segregationists threatened the existence of the FEPC, the cause for civil rights and economic justice led to the formation of a dynamic coalition of civil rights liberals, including advocates from religious, labor, civic and civil rights organizations. This article explores the contentious relationships within the coalition and how the fight for a permanent federal FEPC led to the creation of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, which became a crucial voice during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and which is today the largest umbrella organization fighting for the cause of civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a commentary on the symposium The Real Movement that Abolishes the Present State of Things. I have to respond first to Melvyn Dubofsky because his seems to be the most critical comment, because it comes from someone long rooted in labor history, and because he appears to exemplify that which I was critiquing in The Future of the Past. I have to further make clear that though I know his name I am not familiar with his work. This appears, from the Web, to be both broad and deep, as interested in the sidestreams as the mainstream of U.S. labor history. Among things I am not good at is political economy. So I feel quite unable to provide Stephen Resnick with what he might consider an adequate response. This is a pity because his piece exemplifies a whole series of recent attempts by political economists at Rethinking Marxism. I can think of several other such attempts. 7 In all cases these are intended to open up received Marxism and they customarily make space for other disciplines and theories, such as feminism or environmentalism. I am aware of the innovatory work of Howard Kimeldorf on waterfront workers in the U.S. The title of that book, Reds or Rackets?, when applied to two longshoreworker unions, each at an extreme of an assumed spectrum, could easily have led to various kinds of simplistic analysis. That it does not is due to the use of Kimeldorf of sociocultural examination and explanation. No one who knows anything of dockworker history will be too much surprised that the International Longshoremen's and Warehouseworker's Union of Kimeldorf worked intimately with the Liverpool dockers during their last conflict, in 1995 to 1998, or that it is one of the promoters of the Million Worker March proposal in the U.S.

The article examines the status of social justice feminism and labor legislation in the U.S. during the 1920s. To some an extension of the Progressive Era, to others a New Era, the 1920s are generally perceived as a stagnant period for American labor. While this may be true in terms of wages, conditions, and national political influence, the 1920s shows a transitional period at least in terms of what may be loosely labeled the women's labor movement. Focusing on a particular organization, the Women's Joint Legislative Conference (WJLC), the article examines the endeavor to produce reform in the face of hostile Supreme Court precedent. Created in September 1918, the WJLC initially propounded an aggressive agenda of labor legislation, only to face internal tensions and the strong opposition of a counter-network of Republican state legislators, businessmen, and members of the National Woman's Party. The WJLC and other, similar organizations such as the Women's Joint Congressional Committee, also continued the efforts of social justice feminism movement which begun in the late nineteenth century. Women faced the peculiar legal situation of receiving the right to enact social justice legislation at the expense of being treated as second-class citizens.

In early 1919, the progressive novelist Mary Heaton Vorse found William Z. Foster sitting in the tiny Pittsburgh office where he directed the Great Steel Strike, the largest industrial conflict in the history of the U.S. up to that time. Foster remained calm and collected, selfless in the midst of this great social movement. This was the image Foster projected throughout his early life and the reputation by which he was known: a brilliant strategist and organizational mind, an engineer and architect of working-class movements, a dedicated militant with no apparent personal life. Certainly for any historian looking for the links between the personal and the political, Foster does not appear to be a very promising subject. In the context of the article the author will describe some of the influences that shaped Foster's personality up to the time he joined the communist movement and the severe physical, psychological, and political crisis he faced in the mid-1930s just at the moment the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA) was becoming a mass movement.

While intellectual historians are only now discovering the importance of the labor movement for shaping postwar social thought, labor historians have long recognized that the second half of the 1940's was a watershed for labor and the U.S. politics. Years following World War II saw a reinvigoration of the labor movement from its wartime dormancy. Never before and never since has a greater percentage of the U.S. workers belonged to unions. Throughout the war, labor's rank and file had demonstrated its militancy in a series of wildcat strikes.

The 1920s did not begin badly for organized labor. The robust economy and the surge in union membership during the First World War generated political strength for American labor that Warren Harding was loath to challenge. However, the decade's auspicious beginning was eclipsed by the hardening of the federal government's attitude toward trade unions, the post-war depression, a renewed offensive from industry, and a flurry of court injunctions. In the face of this onslaught, unions reacted with uncharacteristic listlessness, drained of the activism that had defined trade union activity during the previous decade. While some industries, such as building and the railways, benefited from more inward and cautious behavior, most did not. The labor movement, as a whole, suffered marked reversals that historians have long identified with the 1920s. The reason, as Melvin Dubofsky has explained, is that those unions that had been in the forefront of labor militancy from 1916 to 1922 suffered the severest losses. The garment industry was among those in the forefront. The prosperity that the demand for military uniforms brought to the makers of ready-made men's clothing was without precedent in an industry that had long been considered premodern.

In early August of 1894, John McBride, the president of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), announced his intention to form an Ohio labor party and to merge the party with the state's People's party. Historians who have examined the Federation's stance toward political action have mistakenly concluded that McBride shared Samuel Gompers' union philosophy. Gompers's unionism went by a number of names-business unionism, trade unionism, voluntarism, pure and simple unionism, prudential unionism-but it rested on two fundamental assumptions. First, Gompers saw an inherent and unalterable conflict between employers and those who worked for wages. This led Gompers and like-minded unionists to eschew alliances with farmers, small producers, and shop keepers. Second, Gompers saw the conflict between labor and capital as essentially economic in nature. In the past decade, scholars have attempted to explain the decline of labor republicanism and the rise of business unionism in hopes of understanding the conservative nature of American politics. For in the United States alone among Western industrialized nations, the labor movement did not organize politically after the turn of the century to challenge the emergence of large-scale corporate capitalism.

This article focuses on the meeting between John F. Cronin, Roman Catholic priest, and two leading Communists, Roy Hudson and Albert Lannon. The three met for the purpose of finding ways to attenuate Local 43 factionalism and prevent interruptions in vital war production. Cronin wanted the Communists Party to withdraw its people from Local 43, offered in return to end his activities. Lannon rejected the idea and both sides had difficulty coming up with adequate guarantees to one another. The priest gave Hudson a list of 21 activist he wanted to remove from any roles in the local. Hudson and Lannon agreed to urge their followers to adopt a conciliatory stance and Hudson said that he was willing to discuss the broadening of Local 43 leadership and ensuring that no one group dominated it.

The article examines the use of song-poetry as a vital element in the labor movement in the period 1865-1895. Karl Reuber is not a name scholars are likely to recall. Reuber earned his livelihood polishing furniture and pianos in Pittsburgh in the decades surrounding the Civil War. Like most working-class Americans, he did not leave behind personal papers or memoirs. He was simply one of the millions of workers who owed their survival to the nation's burgeoning industrial base. However, Reuber also joined those who repeatedly rose in protest against the abuses of the rising capitalist elite from 1865 to 1895 and who sought to check capitalist domination by joining fellow workers in a movement for collective redress. Worker gatherings featured song-poetry as a regular part of their agenda, while labor "bards" engendered considerable followings with skills of composition and declamation. The majority of these bards emerged from the ranks of the nation's burgeoning workforce, iron molders, coal miners, coopers, machinists, printers, shoemakers, bakers, railroad brakemen and engineers. This lore and song certainly deserves study in its own right. However, the greatest value of song-poetry may derive from its examination as cultural artifacts and historical documents.

The article focuses on the American labor in 1980s Soviet historiography. During the 1980s considerable attention has been paid by Soviet scholars to American labor. Many books on special topics as well as quite a number of works of synthesis have been published. Various Soviet "amerikanists," those who study the U.S. have dedicated their research work to the social and political activities of American labor. The research includes the use of new sources and introduced new methods of research. These scholars have often incorporated materials from U.S. archives. A number of study centers have been undertaking the research: among these centers are the Institute of the U.S.A. & Canada, the Section of U.S. & Canadian History at the Institute of World History and the Council on American Studies at Moscow State University. In addition, the Institute of the International Labor Movement publishes various periodicals, which deal with the development of the international labor movement, including that in the U.S. In various publications of the Institute, scholars of the Institute analyze the role of the labor movement in the U.S., the place of the worker in American society, the new trends in U.S. social consciousness.

The article reports that the lives of Saul Mills and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) intersected at a critical point in the careers of both. As a result, during the years from 1940 to 1949, when the CIO in New York City was the focus of campaigns to organize the unorganized, for labor solidarity, political action, cultural development, and creative concepts in the areas of housing and health care, Saul Mills occupied the key position of secretary-treasurer of the Council and was the chief catalyst in helping that body become the most exciting force in a galvanized labor movement. Mills died in Florida on November 26, 1988 and left behind a significant body of material about his career in the labor movement that he was hoping to use in writing his autobiography, including the letter printed below. He also left behind an oral history interview conducted in April 1981 by Debra Bernhardt, now director of the Wagner Archives. Mills was born in 1910 to immigrant parents. His father worked in a fur dyeing plant in Brooklyn.

When U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt assessed the nation's unemployment situation in 1932 and dubbed Birmingham, Alaska "the worst hit town in the country," he articulated what the city's jobless had expressed at least two years before. A predominantly black segment of Birmingham's unemployed refused to wait for Federal intervention or philanthropic assistance to improve their desperate situation. Like most urban centers throughout the country, a small, but militant campaign among the unemployed erupted in the streets of Birmingham. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, unemployed blacks surprised white police officers and government officials with militant tactics and mass demonstrations in their urgent quest to obtain relief. The Party's unemployed campaign was the key to its growth and consolidation in Birmingham. By the end of 1933, the Party's dues-paying membership in Birmingham had risen to nearly $500. The character of the Party's early work was especially important in terms of drawing women into the pale of the radical movement, women who often proved more militant than their male comrades.

The article focuses on the failure of American socialists to create a mass party with some prospect of achieving power. According to the author Americans themselves have also waged a long and intense debate to explain why the mightiest industrial nation has had the weakest socialist movement. Most of the explanatory models suggested by scholars found the explanation for the failure of American socialism within the movement itself, and especially within the Socialist Party of America (SP), while the others located the sources of failure within the American environment. Those who prefer an environmental explanation stress the absence of a feudal past, the scarcity of labor and economic growth, high wages and the ease of upwards mobility, the early existence of a democratic franchise and the flexibility of the American party system, and the potency of American individualism. According to the author some of the problems related with this issue can be disposed of quickly by adopting a comparative perspective.

This article presents information about books on American labor history. Some of these books dealing with theories of the American Labor Movement include "Poverty and Progress: A Paradoxical Legacy," by Michael Frisch. The book "The Politics of Class Compromise in an International Context: Considerations for a New Strategy for Labor Review of Radical Political Economics," is written by Carolyn Howe. Edwar Pessen has written "Poverty and Progress: a Critique." The book "The Impact of Poverty and Progress on the Generation of Historians Trained in the Late 1960s and Early 1970s," is by Reiss Steven. Lee Stepina and Jack Fiorito have written "Toward a Comprehensive Theory of Union Growth and Decline." Stephan Thernstrom's has written the book "Poverty and Progress Revisited: a Response to Riess, Frisch, and Pessen." The are many books that deal with surveys and cross-period studies, American working class in the U.S., labors in the U.S. and the American revolution. Books have been listed on the American labor moivement before the knights of labor.

The article focuses on research and dissertations in American and European labor history. One of the dissertation "Organized Labor and the Restriction of Immigration to the United States, 1881-1897," by Catherine Collomp, examines how immigration restriction became a constitutive element of organized labor. The effort began in 1882 when labor succeeded in securing passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act. Then, in 1885, mistakenly identifying the new immigrants as contract laborers, trade unions helped abolish the contract labor system as a way of impeding the further immigration of Italian and Slavic workers. Workers' desire to restrict immigration can be seen in part as a response to general instability during the period and in part as a logical outcome of the exclusiveness of craft unionism. Another dissertation "The Knights of Labor in the Chicago Labor Movement and in Municipal Politics, 1877-1887," by Richard Schneirov, has two major themes. First, among Irish workingmen the Knights facilitated the move from community-based unionism to class-wide activity. Second, Chicago's populist mayor served as both safety valve and surrogate for workers' power in the 1880s.

Almost all that is known about journeymen's trade unions before 1820 the first American labor movement -comes from the reports and transcripts of five trials, commonly known as the cordwainers' conspiracy cases.' These materials, despite their lacunae and distortions, document the organizational sophistication of skilled shoe- and bootmakers in the major seaboard cities and Pittsburgh at the dawn of the early industrial age. Although historians still argue about their larger political and social significance, few would now dispute that the journeymen's courtroom battles bespoke the decay of artisanal relations of production and the rise of new forms of class conflict; above all, the cases reveal just how embattled, and how bold, the early national urban journeymen were. The discovery of the surviving records of a sixth case the New York cordwainers' trial of 1811 sheds important new light on these matters, enhances our un-derstanding of the tenacity of the infant labor movement, and forces some reconsiderations of early American labor history.

Presents a personal perspective on the Ten Hour Movement in New England. Our knowledge and interpretation of the Ten Hour Movement in New England in the 1840's have changed little in the past five decades. Norman Ware in his study, The Industrial Worker, 1840-1 860, provided the basic interpretation of the movement which stands today and placed the movement in an historical and analytic context. If we are to move beyond our present synthesis, we will have to broaden our archival base beyond the sources uncovered thus far. The letters of Daniel Spencer Gilman, a Canadian who worked in Lowell, Massachusetts, between 1840 and 1849, provide rare glimpses into the broader labor movement of the period. The letters reprinted here are particularly important because Daniel Spencer Gilman was not a public figure in the Ten Hour Movement. This being the case, his clear expression of the critique and goals of the movement is striking. That Gilman, never an operative himself, subscribed to these ideas and participated in ten-hour activities, suggests that these sentiments may have been widespread among workingmen and women in New England mill towns.

This article presents information on worker militancy and innovation in the United States. rubber industry in 1934 to 1938. For reasons distinctive to the rubber industry and its employees, Akron, Ohio played a key role in the labor upheaval of the mid 1930s. Rubber workers pioneered the sit-down strike and helped ignite the wave of unrest that engulfed American industry between 1936 and 1938. Most important, their experiences anticipated the complex process of initiative and reaction that characterized industry generally in the late 1930s and made the sit-down era the decisive phase in the turbulent years of labor dynamism and innovation inaugurated by the Great Depression. The labors accelerated the process of industrial evolution that was a major effect of the labor unrest of the 1930s. The extent, timing, and specific circumstances of the militant upsurge varied but it was a factor, often the decisive factor, in most of the union initiatives of 1937. The reactions of employers and union leaders also paralleled those of the rubber manufacturers and United Rubber Workers officers.

1901, the year the Socialist Party of the U.S. appeared, found radical working class politics in New York City in a moribund state. During its first few years the New York City Socialist Party could scarcely be called a movement, or even an important part of one. In January 1904, party rolls listed a modest 922 members in Manhattan and the Bronx, with only rudimentary organization in other boroughs. By 1906 the numbers had only gradually increased to 1200. Its members were middle-aged, and most came from trades that had once formed the basis of the United Labor Party, and also provided the main trade union support for the Socialist Labor Party. The movement also included radical trade unionists and others, who never formally joined. The roots of the socialist movement lay in the organized working class, for the impetus toward socialism derived specifically from labor struggle and class conflict. Thus an important key to Socialist growth was located in the trade union movement. With the decline of labor radicalism after the 1880s and the increasing isolation of the Socialist Labor Party from the main- stream labor movement, German-American support for socialism had diminished steadily, until the garment strikes recharged the movement.

This article presents information on the walkout of members from a meeting of the wage stabilization board established during the Korean war mobilization period. The walkout was announced by Emil Rieve, Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) member of the board. He spoke not only on behalf of his two colleagues on the board but also for the united labor policy committee, which represented the entire labor movement in the U.S. with the exception of a few dissident labor organizations. The Wage Stabilization Board was set up as a tripartite organization which comprised of nine members, three each representing industry, labor and the public. The Wage Stabilization Board was supposed to make recommendations to an administrator regarding the planning and development of wage stabilization policies and would perform such further functions with respect to wage stabilization which may be determined by the administrator after consultation with the Board. The administrator was also assigned the responsibility for initiating conferences under Title IV of the Defense Production Act, which dealt with settlement of labor disputes.

This article presents information on the first Labor day parade being organized at Boston. Thousands lined the side-walks of the parade route, while hundreds more stood on balconies and rooftops to catch a glimpse of this army of organized workers. At the head of the three mile procession were leaders of the Knights of Labor and the trade unions. Although day laborers and factory operatives participated in the demonstration, the skilled trades comprised the main body of the marchers. The events of 1886 marked the emergence of a viable and growing workers movement in Boston. The thousands of working people at Boston's first Labor Day parade marked the strong existence of the union of wage-earners. However, the kind of "self protection" the movement would ultimately promote is not clear. That would largely depend on the resolution of tensions and ambiguities within the labor movement in the future. The events of 1886 marked the emergence of a viable and growing workers movement in Boston. The upsurge in labor activity in recent times has revealed a movement undreamed of a year before.

Communists took the lead in organizing the unemployed, but Socialists also played an important role, especially after 1932. Between 1932 and 1935 young Socialist activists provided the leadership for a diversity of locally based unemployed groups. Although these early associations primarily concentrated on the local problems of their membership, the Socialist organizers did impart to these groups an underlying vision of a new social order. The unification of these local groups in 1935 into a national movement known as the Workers' Alliance, along with the nationalization of relief and the development of the Popular Front, undermined this uneasy combination of local immediate needs and a vague socialist vision. Although the unemployed groups did finally develop a more coherent, national ideology, this ideology was not socialism, but rather a leftwing, New Deal liberalism — politics of the Popular Front. There is much to criticize in the Socialist-led unemployed groups, particularly the post-1935 version, but one cannot deny their significant achievements in improving conditions for the jobless.

As president of the American Federation of Labor almost continuously from 1886 until 1924, Samuel Gompers was the bureaucrat qua intellectual. His actions and abilities largely shaped the American labor movement. Although Gompers cannot be identified as an intellectual who created a body of theoretical or original writings, he must be studied in an intellectual context. In this manner, his actions can be understood and the origins of "business unionism" or "pure and simple" trade unionism discerned. If this was the accomplishment of Positivists, then their role in shaping Gompers' trade union philosophy cannot be neglected. Another account by lower East Side labor activist Gregory Weinstein remembered Gompers' reliance upon Positivist trade unionists like Edward King. In the formation of the first New York Central Labor Union, Weinstein recalled that, "King was the brains of the group while Gompers supplied the dramatic and dynamic forces." Gompers also preferred union power to state intervention and legislation.

The article discusses the social conditions of working classes in Boston, Massachusetts with specific emphasis to the Temperance movement. During this period there was a rapid increase of gambling, drinking, crime and vice among middle and upper classes living in growing cities. The theme of social control in a turbulent society frequently lacked the recognition that in many ways working men were active participants in their own reform. Over the first three decades of the nineteenth century, middle-and-upper-class groups initiated a variety of moral reform movements aimed at the working classes. During the 1830s, skilled workers in Boston first responded capitalism with the formation of economic and political associations to fight for the ten-hour day and a wide-spread system of public education. Workingmen believed that such reforms would lead to their own economic and moral self-improvement. The temperance movement in Boston began in 1813 with the organization of the Massachusetts Society for the Suppression of Intemperance. The Society was composed primarily of doctors, lawyers, and ministers who used moral persuasion to promote moderation in drink.

Seth Luther, a prominent figure in the labor movement of the 1830s, incurred the enmity of powerful interests in the course of his participation in the ten-hour and free-suffrage movements. Attacks to which Luther was subjected seem out of all proportion given the actual impact of movements with which he was associated and his limited role in them. However, it was not losses sustained by vested interests that motivated their attacks on him. It was his eloquent rhetoric of protest, a rhetoric that had great potential for changing attitudes and behavior of the laboring population, that marked Luther as a target for abuse. Seth Luther was born at Providence in 1795, had a common school education and served an apprenticeship in carpentry. Seth Luther's career occurred at a time when the halo effect of the Revolutionary War overlapped emergent industrialism and when the ideology of that Revolution could be contrasted most pointedly with social reality. The study of this articulate carpenter is of more than antiquarian interest, for his life and rhetoric illuminate not only his time but perhaps a broader range of historical experiences.

The "Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor," began as a secret organization dedicated to industrial reform through the solidarity of all workers. The solidarity principle was not a problem in the 1870's, when the members were skilled white workers in the Northeast. But the Order's attacks on the aggressiveness of great capitalists and great corporations, its cooperative ethics, and its growing involvement in strikes, led to a rapid influx of semi-skilled and unskilled workers in the early 1880's. The Knights then emerged from secrecy to lead the development of the first powerful national labor movement in the U.S. and to face a perilous test of egalitarian principle as they attempted to organize Afro-American and white workers in the South. Several historians have called attention to the story of the Knights of Labor in the South. All agree that Southern workers were anxious to join the Order and that there was extensive Southern organizing. Some have criticized the Knights leadership for cautious racial policies and others have lauded their courage.

This article discusses the emergence of a new lot of historical thinkers with a radical outlook in the United States. Historians feed on each other, and never more so perhaps than when they are most at odds. The arrival of a fresh school of historical thinking, especially one whose creative sources spring directly from contemporary events, is bound to bring with it new ways of looking at old problems, and, better yet, new problems unthought of by the old guard. Young Turk historians ought to be judged, not by their capacity to outrage, but by the feast that they will have offered the profession. By that measure, the New Left has proved to be a generous provider in diplomatic history, somewhat less so in such fields as twentieth-century American politics and reform. In the waning days of the New Left, however, a notable shift took place. For one thing, the student and peace constituencies were eroding. At the same time, there was a rediscovery of the radical potential of the American worker, who earlier seemed to have been written off.

The article discusses the personal style and political methods adopted by Daniel DeLeon, the adopter of the socialist movement in the U.S. The focus on his personality and the consequent polarization of opinion are not only to be found in the primary documents. They reflect themselves as well in much of the historical writing on DeLeon. In fact, the literature readily subdivides into "pro" and "con" schools, which stereoe type and oversimplify their subject and which, curiously, disagree far less about the nature of DeLeon's personality than they do about whether to applaud or condemn its impact on the socialist and labor movements. The "pro" school is composed mainly of the U.S. Socialist Labor Party (SLP) historians for whom DeLeon is an icon, the veritable prophet of the socialist faith. The second school, that disposed to look at DeLeon's personal style and political methods with a more jaundiced eye, has been composed chiefly of professional historians of the American labor and socialist movements. Although more sophisticated than their SLP counterparts, these writers are often no more analytically precise or self-critical. They have usually been satisfied to emphasize what they consider to be the negative aspects and consequences of DeLeon's personality and allowed these to characterize the man completely.

The article focuses on the manifesto drafted by the North American Anti-Fascist Alliance in the U.S. in 1926, against the efforts of the fascist Prime Minister of Italy Benito Mussolini to fascistiz Italy. The Manifesto resulted from a Communist-Socialist-Social Democrat collaboration. Its contents were the common denominator of those leftist political forces which sought to overthrow Italian fascism. For the most part, the Manifesto limited itself to condemnation of the antidemocratic fascist trend in Italy and of the underground activities carried on by the North American Fascist League in the U.S. The Manifesto itself was the turning point for the Alliance. Organized in 1923, it sought to attract all anti-fascist and leftist groups. Its effectiveness perturbed both the Italian government and Italian-Americans. The North American Anti-Fascist Alliance wisely restricted its activities to the labor movement, where any unfavorable reaction could be easily appeased and where support was predictable. Moreover, Alliance leaders wanted to avoid the glare of public opinion, if only because they feared governmental harassment.

The resurgence of radicalism, the interrelated crises in race and poverty, and the growing availability of documentary materials for the study of labor have all contributed to the rise of a new labor history that challenges the earlier tradition of institutional labor studies. Much of the emerging literature is critical of American trade unionism and its interpreters. While some trade unionists and social democrats continue to place labor in the forefront of social change, it is an article of faith among many other reformers and radicals that labor is corrupt and stagnant. Yet if organized labor is troubled and uncertain, labor scholarship has never been more vigorous. The number and quality of books, monographs, articles, and dissertations in labor history has grown in the past decade and a half. The preservation of labor archives and manuscripts has become systematic, while at present several journals are devoted to labor scholarship. Emphasis on local labor history is useful in the study of labors relationship to race. While racism permeated the craft unions, recently scholars have contended that the accommodation of unionists to this racism was simply part of their general accommodation to corporate society as a whole. A look beyond the American Federation of Labor reveals real examples of racial solidarity on the local level.

The article focuses on the Interchurch World Movement and the Steel Strike of the year 1919. The Interchurch World Movement began as an attempt by leading Protestant clergymen to capitalize upon the idealism with which the United States had entered the "war to end all wars." Because the war had brought to the American people an increased awareness of world living conditions, these churchmen hoped that an extensive financial drive, similar to those conducted by the Young Men's Christian Association and the Red Cross, could raise enough money to support missions throughout the world. Several meetings were held throughout the country in 1918 to organize this co-operative effort. The 1919 steel strike was as much a result of the World War as was the Interchurch World Movement. During the war many labor leaders felt the time was ripe for the organization of the steel industry; there was discontent and unrest among the steel workers; there was a gap in organized labor because steel was the largest non-unionized industry in the United States; and there were organizing opportunities due to labor scarcity during the war.

The article presents information about roots of the U.S. Left-Wing interest in folksong. The conscious interest, use and manipulation of folklore materials for political purposes is nothing new. The origins of folklore study itself are deeply rooted in the romantic nationalism of 19th century Europe, in a movement which saw politically-suppressed peoples collect their folksongs and tales. They did so in an effort to establish a cultural heritage which would serve as ideological props in the struggle for political independence. More recently, nations from every part of the political spectrum to name but a few-have employed folklore as a stabilizing, unifying and sometimes repressive tool in maintaining their respective regimes and ideologies. In the U.S., no a priori stress was put on folklore materials by any political group or protest movement until the 1930s, when the left wing, spearheaded by the Communist Party, discovered intrinsic working-class values in folksongs and other folklore genres. The subsequent influence of the left in popularizing folksong was, for a number of years, so great that its effects are felt to this day and have even reached into the academic profession.'

This article focuses on publisher V. F. Calverton and his publications "The Modern Quarterly" and "The Modern Monthly." In the history of the U.S. radical movement, these two periodicals represent one of the major expressions of an independent revolutionary Marxism in the country. These periodicals acquired significance by reason of the profound social changes that followed hard on the end of the Prosperity Era. It began to exercise influence by virtue of the writers the magazines attracted as contributors, and especially because of the fierce opposition it evoked from the Communist Party and its front organizations. The career of the periodicals cannot be dissociated from that of its editor, V. F. Calverton, who played a rather unique role in crystallizing the development of a radical U.S. intellectual movement whose traditions have outlived both Calverton and his detractors. Calverton achieved whatever success he had not in consequence of his own ideas or personality but by providing a center and rallying point for independent radicals who found the Socialist Party full of good will but too ineffectual and the Communist Party too sectarian and parochial, pistol-whipped by the Soviet Union government of orthodoxy into political idiocy.

According to the author, in addition to the generally accepted sociological explanations for the failure of socialism in the American labor movement, such as the absence of a strong sense of class-consciousness, the flexibility of the two-party system, or the high level of wages in the American economy, there was another factor, which was also of considerable importance. This was the apparent fact that, despite their recognition of the need for militancy and democracy in the trade union movement, and their emphasis on broadening its base by organizing the unskilled and semi-skilled workers, the socialists pursued policies in the trade unions themselves that proved, in practice, to be less successful in protecting the interests of workingmen than those followed by the more conservative business unionists. This hypothesis was based upon a contrast, in the years 1886 to 1900, between the successful job-conscious unionism of the Cigarmakers' International Union and the apparent failure of the policies pursued by two socialist-controlled organizations, the Bakers' and Confectioners' International Union and the Boot and Shoe Workers' Union.

The article presents a bibliography of periodicals and papers on the history of the American labor. According to the author the scope of this bibliography is, in fact, somewhat narrower than the title suggests, as it has been confined, with one or two exceptions, to learned periodicals. The list of papers on the period of labor development in the U. S. includes "Labor and the Federal Government: 1850-1933," by Albert A. Blum, , "Labor and the Radical Republicans: a Study of the Revival of the American Labor Movement, 1864-1868," by David Montgomery, "Cooperative Community in the North: Brigham City, Utah," by Leonard J. Arrington, "The Experimental Utopia in America," by Maren Lockwood, "The Failure of the Movement by the Unemployed for Public `Works in 1873," by Herbert G. Gutman, "Economic Growth and the Opportunities of Minorities: an Analysis of Changes in the Employment of Negroes and Women," by Dale Leroy Hiestand, and "The Poles and Anthracite Unions in Pennsylvania," by Victor R. Greene.

The article discusses labor history and the labor movement in the U.S. U.S. organized labor has succeeded in devising systems of protection for itself unequalled in any other country. Workers in the U.S. were periodically given the choice of following the straight and narrow path of trade unionism or accepting programs for more fundamental reorganization of society from the outset of unionization. The permanent political tactics of organized labor were discovered in the 1830s in the U.S. Wage collection, safety devices, control of an occupation, periodic days of rest were among the issues which required legislative action in the U.S. during the period.

This section provides information on the addition of the article "Freedom of Speech," by David Kairy to a 2004 issue of "Labor History." His article is considered influential to the generation of legal scholars, social movements and to the development of legislation relating to freedom of speech in the U.S.