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THE CAMPAIGN TO FREE IMPRISONED anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti ignited mobilization the world over in the 1920s. In Canada, the solidarity movement was split into three groupings: anarchists, syndicalists, and communists. The anarchists were largely represented by a small group surrounding Emma Goldman in Toronto. Syndicalists were organized by the One Big Union and Industrial Workers of the World, largely in Winnipeg and the Lakehead respectively. The Communist Party of Canada, and its adjunct, the Canadian Labour Defence League, were active across Canada. All three groupings, depsite their ideological differences, mounted campaigns that culminated in information pickets, mass demonstrations, calls to action, and even a strike. Although ultimately unsuccessful, the examination of the Canadian Sacco and Vanzetti solidarity movement gives critical insight into the radical left in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Canadian political party the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (BC/CCF) and how it contributed to a political left-wing social movement for Canada's working class during the 1930s. The author argues that while the BC/CCF had populist beginnings, it was truly a socialist party. He discusses how the BC/CCF impacted Canadian politics during the interwar years, argues that the party created an anti-liberal movement, and explores the BC/CCF's relationship to the Socialist Party of Canada.

BECAUSE IT HAS BEEN GENERALLY STUDIED superficially or examined using a fairly small number of documents, the Order of the Knights of Labor in Quebec again and again escapes the understanding of experts. The picture historians, sociologists and industrial relations experts were able to deliver resulted in very negative assessments: the Quebec wing of the American trade union center is viewed as an utopian movement, too far from the immediate needs of workers and the reality of the industrial world. Using a wide variety of new sources, we present an entirely new portrait of its organizational structure and course. Not only is the Quebec Knights' experience remarkable, but it also shaped a generation of workers and probably more. In the most laborious and capricious Canadian landscape, Montreal, they began an intense collaboration between Francophones and Anglophones. Seeking to strengthen labor's power, they focused on craft unionism, while experimenting with industrial unionism on a scale unimagined by historiography. Also open to immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, as well as to women, the Knights thus challenged the existing order. That is why, more than any other Quebec labor movement that preceded it, the Order faced the Catholic clergy's hostility. However, Catholicism also played in the opposite direction when, following the release of Rerum Novarum, workers were inspired by the legitimacy given to labour organization and revived the movement in the 1890s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the interrelationship between ethnicity, gender and class in Canadian communism in the period 1922-1930. Ethnicity is stated to have been a contested and complex relationship in the Canadian Communist Party, whereas the Ukrainian section of the party is stated to have been numerically strong. The interrelationship between ethnicity, gender and class is examined by analyzing the content of the Canadian Ukrainian newspaper "Robitnytsia." Emphasis is given on the debate concerning women's equality and the role of women in social movement published in the newspaper.

The article offers information on the contribution of labour history literature to the Australian society. The journal "Labour History" publishes several articles on the Australian labour history. The Australian/Canadian comparative labour history project is stated to be a significant contribution of the periodical "Labour/Le Travail" to Australian labour historiography. The project is stated to provide confidence to the Australians for organizing national congresses and develop labour history in the country.

THE CONFLICT within the Ontario New Democratic Party during 1982-1984 on the question of setting party policy in support of the feminist campaign for free-standing abortion clinics is used as a case study to develop three aspects of social movement theory: alliance and conflict systems, radical flank effects, and social movement-political party relations. A previously undocumented radical flank effect is proposed. an inequality effect, arising under conditions when the distinction between radical and dominant sectors of a social movement align with a form of fundamental social inequality. The inequality effect is consequential for creating a distinction in the alliance and conflict systems of the radical and dominant sectors of the movement. It is suggested that the relation of Canadian social democracy to social movements be read as a dynamic tension between constituency representation and brokerage politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A.E. SMITH was a central figure in the Communist Party from the mid-1920s until his death in 1947. An advocate of the radical Social Gospel until at least 1923, Smith's interchange with leading members of the Canadian Communist movement, the growing prestige of the Soviet State, and his disillusionment with the social democratic movement in Canada and abroad, combined during the post-war epoch of reaction to cause a shift in his perspective away from the optimistic verities of the Social Gospel to his apocalyptic vision of the Communist International. While he retained his basic epistemological perspective after 1923, Smith's estrangement from the non-Communist left led to his political isolation and, in early 1925, to his entry into the Communist Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the life and works of Canada's most accomplished Communist intellectual, Margaret Fairley. According to the author, Fairley was born Margaret Adele Keeling in 1885 in Bradford, Yorkshire and the youngest of nine children belonging to a prestigious upper class of aristocratic conservatives. In addition, the author notes that Fairley has a strong sympathy and support for left-wing politics wherein she wrote small number of progressive articles related to the status of Canada depicting peace, dignity and development. It also offers information on the literary works of Fairley along with its implications for the community.

WOMEN'S INVOLVEMENT IN broadening the activities of the Canadian state during the first half of the 20th century is examined in this study of the career of Agnes Macphail as it related to her efforts on behalf of working women. Noting her evolution from agrarian radical to social democrat, it stresses that Macphail's feminism stemmed from her beliefs in human rights, especially the need for greater equality of condition. As the first woman member of Parliament and of the Ontario legislature during 1921-51, Macphail's thought and activities were directed toward representing women's concerns, particularly those labouring on farms and in factories and offices, but they involved crucial personal decisions about motherhood as opposed to pursuing a career, Macphail helped to create the first universal federal social assistance program, contributed to the founding of the CCF, promoted union activity, and championed the first pay-equity legislation in Canada. She believed that integrationist politics offered the best route to assert women's influence on government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's assessment of the interaction between labour historians and unions in Canada. The author notes that most activists acknowledge the scholarly training and research for valuable weapons in labour/management battles. He points out that Labour College offers infinite illustration of the difficulties between labour leaders and their rank and file members. He found out that labour involvement is easy and believes that active participation may lead to working condition improvements, though it increases the frustration level.

The author argues that Canadian Governor General David Johnston's October 16, 2013 Speech from the Throne left out significant aspects of Canadian history in its account of Canadian national identity. Topics include the 2012 abolition of the government's National Council of Welfare by Canada's Conservative Party government, the absence of Québec from the Party's version of Canadian history, and the lack of attention to social movements in that account.