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Grammaticalization as standardly conceived is a change whereby an item develops from a lexical to a grammatical or functional meaning, or from being less to more grammatical. In this article we show that this can only be part of the story; for a full account we need to understand the syntactic structures into which grammaticalizing elements fit and how they too develop. To achieve this end we consider in detail the history of definiteness marking within the noun phrase in North Germanic, and in particular in Faroese. We show how this change requires us to distinguish between projecting and nonprojecting categories, and how a category can emerge over time and only subsequently develop into a head with its own associated functional projection. The necessary structure, rather than being intrinsic to an aprioristic universal grammar, grows over time as part of the grammaticalization process. We suggest that this in turn argues for a parallel correspondence theory of grammar such as the one adopted here, lexical-functional grammar, in which different dimensions of linguistic structure can change at different rates., Journal of Historical Syntax, Language 92 (1)

This article focuses on the relatively neglected grammar of names, including their morphosyntax, which has not aroused the kind of interest and controversy associated with the (putative) semantics of names. It also focuses on a few Indo-European languages (French, Greek, and particularly English), but refers to a wider range of language types. While not an exhaustive account of the variations in name syntax and morphology, significant variation is nevertheless encountered and analyzed. The suggested universal aspects have some plausibility. I propose that names belong universally, with pronouns and determiners, to a category of determinative. The behavior of names as vocatives and in predications of nomination suggests that they are, unlike pronouns and determiners, inherently neither definite nor indefinite. Moreover, in such circumstances names do not function as regular arguments of the predicator; they do not bear a specified semantic relation to the predicator: they are either EXTRASENTENTIAL or appositive. In order to figure as arguments in other types of predication, and be assigned a specified semantic relation, names must acquire definiteness. Languages differ in whether definiteness is signaled overtly or not: in English, for instance, definite names are not distinguished in form from nondefinite, whereas in Greek definite use of a name is marked by an accompanying article. Other languages vary.

In some languages there are dependencies between grammatical systems, e.g. there may be fewer tense choices in negative than in positive polarity. We examine the direction of dependencies between eight types of grammatical systems, and establish a dependency hierarchy. Polarity is at the top of the hierarchy—the choices available in another system may depend on polarity, but the possibility of positive/negative specification never depends on any of the other systems considered here. Next come systems associated with the predicate (or perhaps with the clause as a whole): tense, aspect, and evidentiality. Next come systems associated with predicate arguments—person, reference classification (covering gender/noun class, classifiers, and human/nonhuman or animate/inanimate); then number. And finally case, which marks the function of a predicate argument. The rationale for this hierarchy is considered. An appendix adds systems of definiteness to the discussion.

Two curious phenomena which have to this point been treated separately in the literature are seen to be consequences of the same general interpretive mechanism. We propose that the theory of focus not only accounts for the 'definiteness restriction' with respect to material extraposed from NP, but also contributes crucially to an explanation for the variable acceptability of sentences containing extractions from extraposed PPs.

1. List of Contributors 2. Introduction (by Alexiadou, Artemis) 3. On the deficient/strong Opposition in Possessive Systems (by Cardinaletti, Anna) 4. Possessors, Articles and Definiteness (by Schoorlemmer, Maaike) 5. Possession in Germanic (by Delsing, Lars-Olof) 6. Attributive Genitive Constructions in German (by Lindauer, Thomas) 7. Case Underspecification in Morphology, Syntax and the Lexicon (by Gallmann, Peter) 8. Predicate Inversion in DP (by Dikken, Marcel den) 9. Predicate Movement in Pseudopartitive Constructions (by Corver, Norbert) 10. A Theory of Kinds, Partitives and of/z Possessives (by Zamparelli, Roberto) 11. Adjectival Modification and Multiple Determiners (by Alexiadou, Artemis) 12. Fragments of Balkan Nominal Structure (by Dimitrova-Vulchanova, Mila) 13. A Note on Rigidity (by Uriagereka, Juan) 14. Subject Index

Prince 1992 reanalyzed the information status of NPs into two cross-cutting distinctions, one between NPs denoting entities that are new or old with respect to the discourse and another between NPs denoting entities that, in the speaker's estimation, are new or old with respect to the addressee. The category of HEARER-NEW NPs, equivalent to the category 'brand-new' of Prince 1981, contains NPs denoting entities that the speaker assumes to be unknown to the addressee. The hearer-old category contrasts with discourse-old in including discourse-new NPs that denote entities the speaker assumes to be in the addressee's long term memory store; 'in the permanent registry' (Kuno 1972), 'culturally copresent' (Clark and Marshall 1981), 'unused' (Prince 1981), are other descriptions of similar ideas cited by Prince (1992: 301-2). Hence discourseold NPs are assumed to be a subset of hearer-old NPs ('since hearers are expected to remember what they have been told' (Prince 1992: 303)), but a proper subset.* Prince found that (morphologically defined) definiteness in NPs largely correlates with their being hearer-old. This reflects the familiarity aspect of definiteness. Prince noted in passing, however, that not all definites are hearer-old.1 She had already acknowledged the ability of definites to occur in there-sentences, as in l. (1) a. There were the same people at both conferences. [= Prince 1992, ex. Sa] b. There was the usual crowd at the beach. [= Prince 1992, ex. Sb] c. There was the stupidest article on the reading list. f= Prince 1992, ex. 5c]

Part 1 Introduction: grammar and communication whose grammar? grammar for communication theme and variation in syntactic description parsing - tree diagrams deep structure, surface structure and meaning. Part 2 Vocabulary - words and morphemes: preliminaries lexical vs. grammatical vocabulary the morphemic status of English vocabulary lexical word-classes minor word classes. Part 3 Simple verbal clauses: preliminaries parsing and tree diagrams - recapitulation classification of verbs and simple clauses multiple membership in verb classes verbs that incorporate prepositions summary of the structure of simple clauses. Part 4 Verbal inflections - tense, aspect, modality and negation: tense aspect modality communicative and cognitive aspects of tense-aspect-modality the syntax of tense-aspect-modality negation. Part 5 Reference and definiteness: reference definiteness generic subjects, definiteness and reference definiteness, reference and text processing - a cognitive overview. Part 6 Noun phrases: nouns and modifiers ordering of elements within the noun phrase restrictive vs. non-restrictive modifiers modifiers used as anaphoric pronouns scattered noun phrases complex noun phrases. Part 7 Verbal complements: the semantics of event integration the syntax of clause integration modality verbs for-to complements "if" complements WH-complements post-posed P-C-U verbs non-verbal predicates with verbal complements. Part 8 Voice and de-transitivization: functional dimensions of voice the frequency-distribution of voice in text the syntax of de-transitive clauses other de-transitive constructions the antipassive voice reciprocal constructions reflective clauses. Part 9 Relative clauses: functional aspects of relativization the syntax or relativization the syntax of non-restrictive REL-clauses headless relative clauses subject REL-clauses with the main verb "be" extraposed relative clauses relativization and syntactic complexity non-finite relative clauses. Part 10 Contrastive focus constructions: functional aspects of contrastive focus contrastive grammatical devices the discourse-pragmatics of contrast focus attraction, assertion scope and contrastive focus other focus-attracting grammatical devices strong contrastive focus and relativization restrictions on clefting some cognitive considerations. Part 11 Topicalizing constructions: functional aspects of topicality the variety of topicalizing constructions.

This article discusses two aspects of definite and indefinite NP's in the grammar of Spanish: SPECIFICITY, which is formally marked by the mood of restrictive relative clauses; and EXISTENTIAL IMPORT, which derives from the linguistic environment by principles connected with presuppositions in general. Specificity and existential import belong to the grammar of Spanish, not to the realm of pragmatics. In Spanish, Donnellan's referential descriptions constitute a sub-set of specific NP's (definite specific NP's in the singular with an existential presupposition determined by the linguistic environment). Attributive descriptions, on the other hand, are singular, definite, nonspecific NP's having an existential presupposition.* This paper studies the referential properties of Spanish definite and indefinite noun phrases. It discusses two different and almost independent elements connected with reference and delimitation in Spanish1: (1) SPECIFICITY, a property exhibited by both definite and indefinite NP's, and formally marked by the mood of restrictive relative clauses for those NP's with non-reduced relatives (?2). (2) EXISTENTIAL IMPORT, exhibited by definite and non-definite NP's, by specific and non-specific NP's, and defined by the linguistic environment (?3). To provide a basis for the discussion, definiteness will be briefly discussed in ?1. 1. DEFINITENESS. In an indirect way, the notion of definiteness has been of great concern to logicians, who have dedicated long discussions to the properties of definite descriptions, i.e. NP's in the singular preceded by the definite article and followed by restrictive modifiers. Philosophers have associated definite descriptions both with uniqueness and existence. I will examine the notion of uniqueness in this section, together with its linguistic implications, leaving the discussion of existence to ?3.

This paper, a reply to Rojas 1977, re-affirms my conclusion (Rivero 1975) that specificity is marked in Spanish NP's by the mood of restrictive modifiers, and that it is independent of the degree of definiteness and the existential claims associated with those NP's. Specific and non-specific NP's alike may be referring expressions depending on their position in sentences. However, contrary to what I previously assumed, the notion of specificity is not connected with the pragmatic distinction between the referential and attributive uses of definite descriptions.

"The Representation of (In)definiteness" collects the most important current research, reflecting a wide range of approaches, on a central theoretical issue in linguistics: characterizing the distinction between definite and indefinite expressions. The authors of these 11 original essays, which draw on current work in theoretical syntax and semantics, were charged by the editors to take more than usual heed of alternative analyses offered by other theories, thereby promoting cross-fertilization of syntactic and semantic ideas, concepts, and argumentation. The project as a whole is grounded in the belief that explicit comparison of seemingly incompatible approaches is essential to improve our understanding of the nature and structure of natural language. Eric J. Reuland and Alice ter Meulen are Professors of Linguistics at the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen and the University of Washington respectively. "The Representation of (In)definiteness" is fourteenth in the series Current Studies in Linguistics, edited by Samuel Jay Keyser.

1. Introduction (by Slobin, Dan I.) 2. Turkish (by Underhill, Robert) 3. Bibliography of Modern Linguistic Work on Turkish (by Underhill, Robert) 4. Impersonal Passives and the ArAk Construction in Turkish (by Biktimir, Tuvana) 5. Monoclausal Double Passives in Turkish (by Ozkaragoz, Inci) 6. Lexical Causatives in Turkish (by Knecht, Laura) 7. The Unmarked Sentential Subject Constraint in Turkish (by Sezer, Engin) 8. Habits and Abilities in Turkish (by Savasir, Iskender) 9. Definiteness and Referentiality in Turkish Verbal Sentences (by Dede, Muserref) 10. Definiteness and Referentiality in Turkish Nonverbal Sentences (by Tura, Sabahat Sansa) 11. Topic Switching and Pronominal Subjects in Turkish (by Enc, Murvet) 12. Pronominal versus Zero Representation of Anaphora in Turkish (by Taylan, Eser Erguvanli) 13. Semantic Effects of Word Order in Complex Sentences (by Kuruoglu, Guliz) 14. The Acquisition of Past Reference in Turkish (by Koc, Ayhan Aksu) 15. The Significance of Word Order in the Acquisition of Turkish (by Ekmekci, F. Ozden) 16. The acquisition and use of Relative Clauses in Turkic and Indo-European Languages (by Slobin, Dan I.) 17. Name Index 18. Subject Index

This is a pilot study concerned with developing an inductive method for semantic classification of natural language forms. Consideration is restricted to forms expressing relations between entities or sentence elements. A paraphrasing technique called predication-typing is used to generate the data. This technique consists in paraphrasing sentences or portions of sentences, patterning the paraphrase according to a standard schema so as to incorporate one of a restricted set of expressions called 'predication types' as the connective element between the entities of the relation. The original natural language forms which have prompted selection of particular predication types are called cue forms. They may be then characterized in terms of the variety and frequency of selection of predication types whose use they have prompted in the course of processing a significant quantity of text. This characterization of a cue form in terms of predication types is called its 'semantic spectrum.' 'Semantic groupings' are derived from the semantic spectra which give promise of allowing for a systematic representation of semantic relations between natural language forms in terms of the meanings of the set of predication types as well as in terms of the two semantic dimensions of generality vs. specificity and vagueness vs. definiteness of meaning. (Author)

The group of sentences called existential sentences in Chinese, containing the main verbs sh 'to be', zdi 'to exist, be present', and yJu 'to have' are examined. Their relatedness in syntax and semantics is explored, as revealed by the kinds of noun phrases which occur in these sentences and by the co-occurrence conditions of the three verbs. Six general observations on the properties of these sentences are substantiated. It is clear that the occurrence of the three verbs is closely related to the status and position of the NP's. The verbs are also individually selectable and transformationally introducible into these existential sentences. It is finally proposed that the three verbs are variant representations of a single Chinese verb in such sentences. The NP's in these sentences are also discussed in terms of their syntactic functions and characteristics such as definiteness and anaphoricness.*