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This corpus-based study examines the widely-used discourse marker well in Chinese-speaking learners' speech and compares its frequencies in native speaker data and Swedish learners. While Swedish learners overuse well, Chinese-speaking learners (predominantly at the upper-intermediate level) significantly underuse it. The positions and functions of well are further examined using a functional framework. One-fourth of the Chinese-speaking learners who use well manipulate its positions in utterances in a similar way to native speakers. In terms of functions, well is employed for speech management much more frequently than for attitudinal purposes. The greater use of the former does not generally create negative effects, but the under-representation of the latter may suggest that Chinese-speaking learners sound too direct in certain contexts. The paper concludes by considering pedagogical implications for different first languages and proficiency levels and their possible applications to the instruction of well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have shown that when speakers of European languages are asked to turn nonwords into words by altering either a vowel or consonant, they tend to treat vowels as more mutable than consonants. These results inspired the universal vowel mutability hypothesis: listeners learn to cope with vowel variability because vowel information constrains lexical selection less tightly and allows for more potential candidates than does consonant information. The present study extends the word reconstruction paradigm to Mandarin Chinese–a Sino-Tibetan language, which makes use of lexically contrastive tone. Native speakers listened to word-like nonwords (e.g., su3) and were asked to change them into words by manipulating a single consonant (e.g., tu3), vowel (e.g., si3), or tone (e.g., su4). Additionally, items were presented in a fourth condition in which participants could change any part. The participants’ reaction times and responses were recorded. Results revealed that participants responded faster and more accurately in both the free response and the tonal change conditions. Unlike previous reconstruction studies on European languages, where vowels were changed faster and more often than consonants, these results demonstrate that, in Mandarin, changes to vowels and consonants were both overshadowed by changes to tone, which was the preferred modification to the stimulus nonwords, while changes to vowels were the slowest and least accurate. Our findings show that the universal vowel mutability hypothesis is not consistent with a tonal language, that Mandarin tonal information is lower-priority than consonants and vowels and that vowel information most tightly constrains Mandarin lexical access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Models of connected speech production in Mandarin Chinese must specify how lexical tone, speech segments, and phrase-level prosody are integrated in speech production. This study used tongue twisters to test predictions of the two different models of word form encoding. Tongue twisters were constructed from 5 sets of characters that rotated pairs of initial segments or pairs of tones, or both, across format (ABAB, ABBA), and across position of the characters in four-character tongue twister strings. Fifty two native Mandarin Chinese speakers read aloud 120 tongue twisters, repeating each one six times in a row. They made a total of 3503 (2.34%) segment errors and 1372 (.92%) tone errors. Segment errors occurred on the onsets of the first and third characters in the ABBA but not ABAB segment-alternating tongue twisters, and on the onsets of the second and fourth characters of the tone-alternating tongue twisters. Tone errors were highest on the third and fourth characters in the tone-alternating tongue twisters. The pattern of tone errors is consistent with the claim that tone is associated to a metrical frame prior to segment encoding, while the format by position interaction found for the segment-alternating tongue twisters suggest articulatory gestures oscillate in segment production as proposed by gestural phonology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two priming experiments examined the separate contribution of lexical tone and segmental information in the processing of spoken words in Mandarin Chinese. Experiment 1 contrasted four types of prime–target pairs: tone-and-segment overlap (ru4-ru4), segment-only overlap (ru3-ru4), tone-only overlap (sha4-ru4) and unrelated (qin1-ru4) in an auditory lexical decision task with 48 native Mandarin listeners. Experiment 2 further investigated the minimal segmental overlap needed to trigger priming when tonal information is present. Four prime–target conditions were contrasted: tone-and-segment overlap (ru4-ru4), only onset segment overlap (re4-ru4), only rime overlap (pu4-ru4) and unrelated (qin1-ru4) in an auditory lexical decision task with 68 native Mandarin listeners. The results showed significant priming effects when both tonal and segmental information overlapped or, although to a lesser extent, when only segmental information overlapped, with no priming found when only tones matched. Moreover, any partial segmental overlap, even with matching tonal cues, resulted in significant inhibition. These data clearly indicate that lexical tones are processed differently from segments, with syllabic structure playing a critical role. These findings are discussed in terms of the overall architecture of the processing system that emerges in Mandarin lexical access. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study tests the output constraints hypothesis that languages with a crowded phonemic vowel space would allow less vowel-to-vowel coarticulation than languages with a sparser vowel space to avoid perceptual confusion. Mandarin has fewer vowel phonemes than Cantonese, but their allophonic vowel spaces are similarly crowded. The hypothesis predicts that Mandarin would allow more coarticulation than Cantonese. Eight native speakers of Cantonese and of Beijing Mandarin were recorded saying the target sequences /pV11pV2pV3/ (V = /i a u/) in carrier phrases. F1 and F2 frequencies were measured at vowel edge and midpoint, and were normalized for analyses. The results show that Cantonese and Mandarin do not differ in degree of vowel-to-vowel coarticulation in either F1 or F2. In addition, unstressed vowels exhibit more coarticulation than stressed vowels. Carryover coarticulation exceeds anticipatory coarticulation in both F1 and F2. Unstressed vowels in the carryover position are the most susceptible to coarticulation. The results show that vowel inventory does not predict vowel-to-vowel coarticulation. Fundamental assumptions of the output constraints hypothesis are evaluated to explain its failure in predicting language-specific patterns of vowel-to-vowel coarticulation. The importance of syntagmatic relationships in coarticulation is also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study investigated the noun definitions given by Cantonese speakers at different ages. Definitional responses on six concrete nouns from 1075 children aged 4;10 to 12;01 and 15 adults were analyzed with reference to the semantic content and the syntactic form. Results showed that conventional definitions produced by Cantonese adult speakers were realized with specific superordinates and more perceptual than functional attributes. The content was carried by a syntactic frame, “NP1is NP2”, where relative clause was not the predominant form of NP2 as in the English definition forms. Core attributes signifying the defining properties increased significantly with age while non-core attributes were observed relatively evenly throughout all groups. Preschoolers tended to drop the sentential-subject (i.e., NP1) and the copula is, and produce more functional than perceptual attributes. By Primary-2 (P2) (about 7;0), the taxonomic relation was coded with the frame of “NP1is NP2”. Beginning at P4 (about 9;0), children included a superordinate but the specificity of the adult-like superordinate was not achieved even by P6 (about 11;0). In general, developmental trends accorded with the trends observed in other languages, but typological features played a role in framing the development of the syntactic form. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study focused on durational cues (i.e., syllable duration, pause duration, and syllable onset intervals (SOIs)) at discourse boundaries in two dialects of Mandarin, Taiwan and Mainland varieties. Speech was elicited by having 18 participants describe events in The Pear Story film. Recorded data were transcribed, labeled, and segmented into clauses. Discourse boundary indices were used to label discourse disjuncture levels. Results showed that the scope of lengthening included both the final and the penultimate syllables. Pause was a robust but optional indicator for discourse boundaries, and Taiwan Mandarin preferred unfilled over filled ones, while the Mainland variety did not show such strong preferences. Discourse hierarchy corresponded consistently with occurrences of pauses and duration of SOIs, within which pause was the main contributor. Higher discourse levels were more likely to be accompanied by pauses, and were indicated by longer pauses and SOIs. Syllable duration only played a secondary role in indicating discourse disjuncture size when pause was absent. When there was an accompanying pause, Mainland Mandarin relied solely on it to indicate discourse hierarchy, while Taiwan Mandarin used both syllable and pause duration, a dialectal difference that seemed to be rhythm-related. By shortening the degree of lengthening in the boundary syllable and lengthening the following pause at the same time, Taiwan Mandarin increased the absolute and relative duration of pause and maximized its role in indicating discourse hierarchy. The results of this study implied that the use of pause in discourse disjuncture demarcation was more of a language-specific choice while its role in discourse hierarchy encoding is more language-universal. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]