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A long-standing question in the syntax of null subject languages (NSLs) has been whether preverbal DP is a ‘real’ subject or a (clitic) left-dislocated element. Formally, is Spec,TP an A-position or an A-bar position? The problem arises because preverbal DP in these languages displays A- as well as A-bar properties. This paper proposes that Chomsky's recent framework of feature inheritance can have a straightforward answer. Specifically, the paper argues that Spec,TP is generally an A-position, which becomes an A-bar position if T inherits the feature EF from C. EF is looked at here as a formal ‘criterial’ feature that can enter into a valuation relation. The paper extends the analysis to certain subject-related phenomena in Arabic (presumably borne out in other NSLs). It also considers certain facts from Arabic that seem to threaten the analysis, but ultimately smoothly fall out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Chinese should be categorized as a discourse-configurational language, namely a Category III language under Miyagawa's typology. • Several compelling empirical facts are presented to demonstrate that the δ-feature lowers to T in Chinese. • Chinese wh -adverbial zenme 'how come' is not base-generated in the CP periphery, but rather inserted in the TP. Assuming the Strong Uniformity Principle, Miyagawa recently proposed a typology of languages based on distinct patterns of Feature Inheritance at Phase C. In this typology, Chinese is identified as a Category II language (with the δ-feature on C and the φ-feature on T). That is, Chinese is regarded as a non-discourse-configurational language similar to English. This paper aims to review Miyagawa's discussion of Chinese and argue for its reclassification as a Category III language, that is, a discourse-configurational language like Spanish. I contend that Miyagawa's discussion of Chinese only pertains to Aboutness-shift topic, a type of topic base-generated in the CP domain across languages; as a result, his conclusions are unsustainable. On the other hand, I show that phenomena like Object Preposing, forced A-focalization, and the distribution of Familiar and Contrastive topics in non-assertive embedded clauses provide compelling evidence that the δ-feature has lowered to T in Chinese. Finally, I address a potential counterargument presented by the Chinese wh -adverbial zenme 'how come'. I argue that zenme is not base-generated in the CP periphery, but rather inserted in the TP layer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is three-fold: (i) I argue that topic A-movement exists in Chinese. Specifically, I show that argument displacement in Chinese raising modal constructions (RMC) containing raising modals like yinggai ‘should’ and keneng ‘likely’ is A-movement to spec-TP, yet semantically exhibits topicality; (ii) even though Miyagawa''s (2010) extension of Chomsky''s (2007, 2008) feature inheritance hypothesis to the Topic feature provides a possible derivational system to capture topic A-movement in this construction, I show that object topic A-movement in this construction is underivable under Miyagawa''s (2010) probe-driven system of movement based on feature inheritance. This is because of a timing problem regarding feature inheritance and Chomsky''s (2001) Phase-Impenetrability Condition independently noted by Epstein et al. (2012) and Richards (2011); (iii) I propose that two major modifications are needed to maintain the basic assumptions of Miyagawa (2010) to derive object topic A-movement in RMC: (a) a more fine-grained characterization of topic A-movement on the basis of the dissociation of feature interpretability and feature valuation (see Pesetsky and Torrego, 2007; Carstens, 2010, 2011; Bošković, in press), and (b) the adoption of Bošković’s (2007) moving-element-driven theory of movement. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• Edge feature is neither deleted during an Agree relation nor duplicated. • Preverbal elements in Modern Standard Arabic are topics/foci. • A-properties of preverbal elements are indirect effects of their surface positions. • Cartography is a vital tool to explore the rich left periphery of Arabic. In this paper, we first argue against Alahdal's (2018) account of feature inheritance of the Edge Feature (EF) from C0 to T0 in null subject languages (NSLs), including (Modern Standard) Arabic. Alahdal proposes that Spec,TP becomes a position that exhibits A/A-bar properties in Arabic when T0 inherits EF from C0. We explore the defects of this argument, highlighting its conceptual and empirical inconsistencies. We also show that this argument suffers from internal problems which speak against its theoretical validity. Second, we present an alternative approach to the relevant data. We propose that a preverbal element in Modern Standard Arabic (and other NSLs with a prominent VSO word order) is either a topic or a focus, depending on its informational content. The preverbal element is located in a dedicated A-bar position in the CP domain of the clause. All A-properties of preverbal elements are assumed to be indirect effects of their clause-initial position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]