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• Si -future exclamatives in Spanish shed new light into the notion of insubordination. • Mirative future emerges as a result of successive emancipations. • Mirative future is compatible with the 'distance-forward' deictic template. • Mirative future represents a further step into the process of grammaticalization. • Mirative future exemplifies the range of mirative meaning conveyed in Spanish. This paper examines si -future exclamatives in Spanish, both synchronically and diachronically, with the aim not only of identifying their possible contexts of use but also of distinguishing their various semantic interpretations. In addition to permitting the redefinition of the space of insubordination and assessing the role of analogy in the continuing independence of the marker si , this proposal provides an explanation of Spanish mirative future as emerging from the emancipation of a previous structure, albeit that it retains the deictic value of morphological future –which becomes a functional feature in its new discursive meaning. From this perspective, the grammaticalization of morphological future in Spanish is not contemplated as a closed cycle, but rather as a still ongoing process. More broadly speaking, this paper helps outline the semantic array of mirative meanings through providing evidence about the type of mirativity that can be conveyed in Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper analyzes the defective noun ppwun in Modern Korean. • Ppwun developed into a particle, connective, sentence-ender, and discourse marker. • Ppwun exhibits grammaticalization, degrammaticalization, and pragmaticalization. • The developments involved morphosyntactic reanalysis and semantic reinterpretation. • The diverse developmental paths are largely the results of function-based analogy. This paper investigates the developmental paths and synchronic functions of one of the Korean defective nouns, i.e., ppwun 'the only thing', which originated from a full noun pwun 'share'. Since the earliest data already show a number of grammaticalized functions, this paper attempts to reconstruct the developmental paths based on the semantic and morphosyntactic clues, making use of the synchrony-for-diachrony approach of grammaticalization. The noun pwun, through coalescence with the adjacent genitive marker - s, grammaticalized into a postpositional particle of focus - spwun 'only'. When the etymologically bi-morphemic - s.pwun was reanalyzed as mono-morphemic, the dependent particle became reanalyzed again, presumably via analogy of nominal compounding, as a full-fledged, independent noun denoting 'the only thing', an instance of degrammaticalization by virtue of an increase of morpho-syntactic independence. Further, some such forms were pragmaticalized by acquiring discourse marker functions, i.e., the speaker's negative stance toward the state of affairs alerting the addressee that something more serious is about to follow. A series of morphosyntactic and semantic-pragmatic changes shows how the linguistic forms have continuously been subject to morphosyntactic reanalysis and semantic reinterpretation resulting in multiply intertwined scenarios of grammaticalization, degrammaticalization, and pragmaticalization, often with their collocating forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper analyzes grammaticalization of avoidives in English and Korean. • Avoidives are the prototypical exponent of apprehensionals. • Negation and temporal are major sources of avoidives. • Avoidives often develop into apprehensive through insubordination. • Development of avoidives observes grammaticalization parameters. This paper addresses avoidives, the grammatical means of precautioning the hearer against probable and undesirable events, from crosslinguistic and grammaticalization perspectives. An analysis of avoidives in English and Korean shows that the two languages do not share much commonality with regard to lexical sources but that their source constructions have undergone changes characteristic of grammaticalization over time. We argue that the development of an avoidive into an apprehensive is among the cross-linguistically common channels, through insubordination, whereby the main clause of a biclausal expression becomes elided and the subordinate clause becomes the main clause, carrying the pragmatically inferred meaning from ellipsis, e.g., warning, as part of the meaning of the construction. The development from biclausal to monoclausal structure, however, is not deterministic, as evidence by the Korean scenario in the reversed direction shows. We also argue that negation and temporal are common source concepts in the grammaticalization of avoidives, and that some of the Korean lexical sources have not yet been observed across languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• -ki nominalization constructions are used to mitigate directives and suggestions. • -m nominalization constructions are employed to mitigate a speaker's assertion. • Stance marking functions emerge via insubordination and (inter)subjectification. • Their semantic properties are construed in terms of irrealis/realis semantics. • Their inherent semantics and syntagmatic affinity shape grammaticalization paths. In this paper, we investigate how Korean - ki and - m nominalization constructions have come to also express speaker stance. We first identify the semantic distinctions between Korean - ki and - m nominalization constructions in terms of their realis/irrealis semantics, then further examine how differences in their syntagmatic affinity—more specifically, their particular predisposition toward different types of complement-taking verbs—give rise to subtle differences in their stance marking functions. In addition, we also address how -ki and -m nominalization constructions have extended their functions and can now be used as face-threat mitigating devices. This study sheds light on how the inherent semantics of individual nominalization constructions and their syntagmatic relations facilitate the dynamic drifts of the nominalization constructions from referential to pragmatic uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies propose that eyebrow raise in polar questions and headshakes in negations in sign languages arose from the incorporation of hearing speakers' gestures in similar contexts into sign language grammar via grammaticalization. This paper reviews these proposals in light of Wilcox's theory on gesture grammaticalization. According to Wilcox, there are two routes for gestures to enter sign language grammar: Route I, via lexicalization, and Route II, via prosody/intonation. Based on Cantonese and Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL) data, we argue that eyebrow raise in polar questions in HKSL evolved from a paralinguistic gestural element into a grammatical marker via a language-internal process because eyebrow raise in question contexts is universal. Negative headshakes in Cantonese, though prevalent, are not incorporated into HKSL grammar. Instead, HKSL adopts backward head movements as optional negation markers. These findings support previous claims that headshakes are culture-specific. Both eyebrow raise in polar questions and backward head movements in negations in HKSL can be subsumed under Route II in Wilcox's theory, along a language-internal evolutionary path. For sign languages that employ headshakes as negation markers, the headshakes are likely to have been borrowed from the hearing communities. This grammaticalization path fits neither Route I nor Route II of Wilcox's theory because cross-modal borrowing is involved without an intermediate lexical stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Multipliciticity of degree markers is due to their limited grammaticalization. • Elative degree markers, including intensifying adverbials, are numerous. • Standard markers are grammaticalized from a limited set of source lexemes. • Comparatives form conceptual and functional networks. • Extent of operation of grammaticalization mechanisms is variable. Korean has a large number of markers signaling diverse notions involved in comparative constructions. This paper analyzes Korean comparatives from the grammaticalization perspective, thus identifying the source semantics of the comparative markers in contemporary as well as historical data, analyzing the grammaticalization mechanisms behind their development, creating the conceptual and functional networks among the comparative markers, and comparing the grammaticalization sources with those attested in other languages. It is found that the standard markers are small in number, whereas degree markers diverge greatly: superiors, inferiors and superlatives make use of a small number of markers, whereas elatives make use of a large number of intensifying adverbials. We discuss the development of the comparatives with respect to grammaticalization mechansims, i.e. Desemanticization, Extension, Decategorialization, and Erosion, and conclude that their operation is variable depending on the functional category item as well as the individual lexical form. From a crosslinguistic comparison, we argue that the concepts and schemas found in Korean are largely consonant with those attested in crosslinguistic literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]