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Abstract: This paper shows that in Japanese there is a compounding of a verb with its argument that results in a verbal compound (VC) with a [+V] feature, contrary to the prediction made by . Based on the hypothesis of modularity in word formation (cf. ). shows that there are two types of N-V compounds in Japanese: N-V compounds with a [−V] feature, which are formed through the incorporation of the internal argument of the verb, while those involving an adjunct are formed at the level of LCS and can be regarded as complex predicates with a [+V] feature. In this paper, I argue that the motivation of forming another type of N-V compounds, namely the VC with a [+V] feature involving the argument, is different from either of these types and lies in the foregrounding of a certain participant in the event. I propose an analysis for N-V compounding in the framework of Generative Lexicon, which assumes that the qualia structure of the nonhead can provide the compound with an argument which is not selected by the head verb. This supports the assumption that the qualia structure should be taken as a reservoir of semantic information which can contribute to determining the lexical semantic feature of the coinage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper investigates morphological variation in Japanese compounds by focusing on the Sino-Japanese expression hoodai (‘at will’) as used in contemporary Japanese and tries to relate the interesting properties of hoodai to its historical development. This expression cannot be used as an independent word in a sentence, nor can it be used as the left-hand element of a compound. In other words, it is used productively like a suffix in contemporary Japanese. In older Japanese, however, this form was used as a noun. This paper explicates the properties of hoodai and presents the following findings: (i) hoodai strongly prefers a native Japanese word as the word directly preceding it in contemporary Japanese, although it is a Sino-Japanese expression; (ii) hoodai was a noun in the fifteenth century, but it seems to have lost its word status and to have come to be used like a suffix in the latter half of the 19th century; (iii) hoodai can be considered to be still a word in contemporary Japanese on the basis of the notion of “compound-specific submeaning,” and expressions of the form X-hoodai are compounds rather than derivatives; (iv) hoodai is an example of grammaticalization involving a cline with respect to compounds; (v) the notion of “compound-specific submeaning” plays a role in making a finer distinction between hoodai and itiryuu, etc., and in showing that hoodai is more grammaticalized than the latter words. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Japanese Sign Language (JSL), as well as in many other sign languages, wh-final sentences are common, which is not the case of spoken languages. This paper is an attempt to explain how wh-final constructions in JSL are derived under the generative approach. We considered the basic distributions of the wh-element in wh-final constructions including the wh-double (i.e. wh-in situ and wh-final) construction, and argue that previous approaches to wh-finals in other sign languages, such as Cecchetto et al. (2009) and Petronio and Lillo-Martin (1997) , cannot be directly applied to JSL wh-finals. We propose that the wh-word with the non-manual marker for the wh-interrogative (wh-NMM) is split into two segments; the wh-NMM as a wh-interrogative marker and the wh-word as a wh-operator. Following Cable (2010) , we assume that the wh-NMM functions as a Q-particle and moves to Focus [+Q] 0 . Under this proposal, splitting of the wh-element and movement of each segment take place in the wh-double construction. While the clause-final wh-word occupies the head position with the [+Q] feature realized as the wh-NMM, the wh-word accompanied by the wh-NMM can be moved from its original position to the clause-initial position by wh-operator movement. In either case, the wh-NMM must co-occur with the wh-word, since the wh-NMM needs to be morphologically supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper revisits empirical and theoretical problems of focus prosody in Japanese, and proposes a new analysis. Contrary to the widely accepted assumption that focus directly or indirectly modifies prosodic phrasing, various studies have shown that prosodic boundaries remain unchanged when a focus is added to a sentence. It is proposed that phonetic effects of focus (F 0-rise on the focused word, and reduction in the post-focal areas) result from manipulations of metrical prominences (addition of focal prominence on the focused word and deletion of head prominences in the post-focal area) that have no effect on prosodic boundaries. In order to allow prominence manipulation while keeping prosodic phrasing intact, two modifications are made to one of the widely accepted Optimality-Theoretic analyses of focus prosody. First, the syntax–prosody alignment constraint will be ranked higher, which allows it to dictate the location of prosodic boundaries. Second, metrical culminativity (one metrical prominence per prosodic constituent) is treated as a violable constraint, and it is proposed that this constraint is low-ranked in Japanese. As a result, Japanese allows multi-headed phrases (when focus adds a prominence), as well as headless prosodic phrases (when focus deletes post-focal prominences). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper reports on the discovery of a new type of exocentric word structure in Japanese which consists of two “dependent” (rather than “head”) elements and whose category is determined by the collaboration of the category features of the two dependents in conjunction with their internal semantic relationship. A representative example is huto-ppara lit. ‘fat stomach/big heart’, which semantically denotes the subject''s property of being big-hearted or generous rather than the physical entity ‘stomach, heart’, and which bears the lexical category of Adjectival Noun [AN], corresponding neither to the Adjective category of huto- ‘fat, big’ nor to the Noun category of -ppara [variant of hara] ‘stomach, heart’. This is entirely distinct from the familiar types of metaphor- and metonymy-based exocentric compounds like redhead and pickpocket, which are always nouns. In analyzing the novel type of Japanese compound, a mechanism called “bilateral category projection” is proposed, which fuses together the category features of the two dependent constituents by invoking their semantic structure. The assignment of a category to the new type of exocentric compound thus requires simultaneous reference to both morphological and semantic structure. This analysis lends support to the “parallel-representation” model of grammar in which form and meaning are represented separately but work in tandem with each other to determine the grammaticality of a given expression (). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Japanese has been conventionally considered to show two distinct distributional regularities holding in morpheme-final position: at the lexical level, verb stems can end with either a vowel or a consonant, whereas other morpheme types and derived/inflected forms must end with either a vowel or the placeless nasal n . Mono-stratal models of phonology call into question the validity of the traditional underlying-surface distinction, and respond by allowing only a single type of static pattern. Unlike the standard derivational approach, however, the mono-stratal approach cannot express the disparity between lexical and non-lexical patterns (). This paper adopts a mono-stratal approach to investigate regularities in the pattern of morpheme/word-final segments in Japanese, and challenges the widespread view that Japanese employs consonant-final verb stems (e.g. jom ‘read’). Instead, it claims that the actual shape of apparently consonant-final stems is the same as that of non-past forms which end with ɯ (e.g. jomɯ), the neutral vowel of Japanese. This has the result of excluding consonant-final stems from the Japanese system — a system which prefers vowel-final forms. In terms of phonology-phonetics mapping, the stem-final ɯ is the phonetic manifestation of a melodically empty nucleus. This analysis has the benefit of allowing us to eliminate operations such as ɯ-deletion and vowel alternation. By positing a morphologically driven process which avoids empty positions at the morphological boundary, the empty position is simply filled by the initial vowel of the negative suffix (e.g. jo.m∅ [jomɯ]+-a.na.i →jo.ma.na.i [jomanai]). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper investigates the phonological nature of alphabetic acronyms in Japanese, e.g. PTA, JR, JTB. Japanese dialects exhibit tremendous variation as regards the accent of these alphabetic expressions. We can account for the relevant facts by relating their accent patterns to the compound accent rules of the respective dialects. In other words, Japanese speakers process alphabetic acronyms as compound nouns, generally applying compound accent rules across dialects. The accentual variation among the dialects turns out to be relatively superficial differences that result largely from the differences that the dialects exhibit with respect to the compound accent rules. This analysis is particularly interesting in light of the fact that English speakers apply a phrasal stress rule to the same expressions. We will explore the implications of the differences among the Japanese dialects, on the one hand, and between Japanese and English, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on two types of multiple nominative constructions in Japanese. In addition to the subject, the nominative particle ga can mark a possessor of the subject or an adjunct. A prevalent view in the literature is that all ga-phrases are nominative NPs or DPs and are licensed in multiple specifier or adjoined positions in one particular projection (Fukui, 1986; Heycock, 1993b; Hiraiwa, 2001; Ura, 1996; among others). However, this licensing mechanism alone cannot account for some striking properties of the two constructions. I argue that a possessive ga-phrase is a nominative NP, while ga attached to an adjunct is interpreted as a focus marker. The particle ga functions as a case marker whenever it marks an NP bearing a ϴ-role. However, an interpretational rule also treats it as a focus marker when the constituent to which it is attached appears as the first ga-phrase in a multiple nominative construction. These assumptions account for a range of observations, some of which are new. They also explain two particular properties that are difficult to capture in the standard analysis: (i) the difference in the number of ga-phrases permitted in the two constructions; and (ii) the fixed order of ga-phrases in both constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]