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Abstract: We review and discuss some issues to do with the relation between morphology and syntax which have played a prominent part in generative linguistic research in the past three decades. Focusing on verbal inflection, we first discuss the relation between inflection and verb placement, with special attention given to verb-initial languages. We then discuss the relation between pro-drop and agreement, where we articulate a partly new understanding of Huang''s (1989) generalization that pro-drop is characteristic of languages with rich agreement and languages with no agreement, but not languages that are in-between. We then present and discuss the Mirror Principle, one of the most significant findings in recent linguistic research. We pay special attention to the Mirror Principle as it applies in head-final languages, in the context of a model adopting Kayne''s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. The idea is to show how fairly complex aspects of clausal syntax, including word order and the possibility of phonetically silent arguments of a predicate, may be correlated with readily observable and, in themselves, rather simple properties of verbal inflection, and to show how, given a restrictive theory of Universal Grammar, this follows from the fact that inflections are syntactic categories, albeit realized as parts of words. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The analysis presented in this paper provides a development of the idea that subject agreement markers in Bantu can be analysed as pronouns. With reference to Swahili and Herero, it is shown that the interpretation of subject markers is dependent on the context in which they are found and that it is, similar to ordinary pronouns, constrained by locality, directionality and class features. The relevant context includes both the wider, pragmatic context as well as the relation between overt subject and agreeing subject marker, and thus includes word-order variation between subject–verb and verb–subject structures. Lexical restrictions on the interpretation of subject markers interact with different ways in which logical subjects can be syntactically related to the verb, expressing different information structure relations such as topic and focus. By employing the Dynamic Syntax notion of incremental growth of semantic representations, a formal analysis is developed which shows how the interaction between context, word-order and lexical information from agreement markers results in the step-by-step development of the context-specific interpretation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper examines two previously undiscussed locative inversion constructions in Lubukusu (Bantu) with respect to both their theoretical and typological significance. Repeated agreement locative inversion has two distinct verbal affixes which agree with the fronted locative phrase, whereas the verb agrees with both the fronted locative and the postverbal subject in disjoint agreement locative inversion. Each critical aspect of these constructions is explored – the nature of the locative clitic that appears, the position of the fronted locative phrase, and the position of the postverbal subject – concluding that the two locative inversion constructions have very different structural properties. These different structures are then used to examine the apparently ‘downward’ agreement pattern in disjoint agreement locative inversion in light of the Upward Agreement Hypothesis, that is, the claim by Baker [The syntax of agreement and concord, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge; among others] that heads in Bantu languages agree with structurally higher phrases. The analyses proposed offer insight into the place of Lubukusu locative inversion among other (Bantu) locative inversion constructions, as well as giving evidence that the apparent counter-evidence of disjoint agreement locative inversion in the end is nonetheless amenable to an ‘upward’ agreement analysis, further supporting the Upward Agreement Hypothesis. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Despite exhibiting a high degree of uniformity, Bantu languages display a surprising amount of variation in extraction contexts, particularly with regard to agreement patterns. This paper examines this variation, focusing first on Bantu OVS relatives and topicalization structures in which the raised operator triggers morphological subject agreement on the verb. After critiquing accounts by and others, this paper proposes an analysis of OVS structures in which the establishment of agreement relations is delayed until the end of the derivation. I then take this account of OVS as the basis for discussing variation in the agreement properties of operator constructions across Bantu languages. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In many Bantu languages, not only the grammatical agreement of verbs, but also SVO word order, has a role in establishing grammatical relations. In Matengo, however, the main function of word order is to code information structure, rather than grammatical relations. This paper discusses the possible positioning of each element within sentences in Matengo, and shows that word order is largely determined by information structure, especially topicality. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This article shows that once it is accepted that a single morpheme can lexicalize a “span” of heads rather than a single head, it becomes possible to establish the complex structures underlying noun class prefixes and agreement markers in Nguni (Xhosa, Zulu, Ndebele and Swati) in a mechanical way, based on the distributional properties of the morphemes involved. These structures together with general principles of lexicalization turn out to make an accurate prediction about the syncretism patterns observed among the different types of agreement markers (concords), and we are also led to conclude that the size of nominal projections must be a locus of parametric variation, by comparing Nguni to other Southern Bamtu languages. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: In this paper we argue that variation in subject-verb agreement in Belfast English and Appalachian English bears on a number of issues that are relevant to current syntactic theory, including clause structure and subject positions, case, the syntax of negative polarity items and negative concord and the structure of the DP. We show that while the nature of the subject plays a role in determining subject-verb agreement in the two varieties (in different ways), subject position is the overt structural manifestation of the differing properties of the subject, independent of which properties are relevant in the variety in question. Our proposal on subject positions, which goes beyond what proposed for Belfast English, is able to capture clusters of properties not discussed by Henry, and thus more fully accounts for the range of micro-parametric variation we find. This paper thus provides support for a configurational approach to subject-verb agreement. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper develops a new perspective on the question of what type of verb movement the modern Celtic languages display, V to I movement or V to C movement. Under the standard assumption that the subject remains relatively low in these languages compared to Germanic languages, this category fails to be a diagnostic, since both verb movement operations cross the subject. The analysis presented here starts from the theory of verb movement developed in Koeneman (2000), which argues that the verb does not move to prefabricated functional head positions but moves in order to project one or more of its functional features (tense and agreement). It is shown how this theory offers a better understanding of verb movement (parameters) than mainstream approaches. After developing a concrete proposal for verb movement variation in Germanic, the paper tries to extend this analysis to the Celtic languages, so that a uniform analysis of verb movement (variation) ensues. The main conclusion is that it is very unlikely that Celtic languages have a verb movement operation involving an agreement projection. They are better analyzed as having a verb movement operation that projects tense features. The result is that the nature of verb movement in Germanic and Celtic is basically the same. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Partial agreement between verbs and conjoined noun phrases in languages like Swahili is only possible if the conjoined noun phrase (NP) follows the verb, that is, it is directly related to word order. This paper presents an analysis of partial agreement within Dynamic Syntax, a formal model of interpretation which models syntax as the building of semantic tree representations, driven by words in the order in which they appear in the utterance. The analysis presented makes the relation between partial agreement and word order explicit in that it shows that a preceding conjoined NP has already been assigned a plural value when the agreeing verb is parsed. In contrast, when the verb is parsed first, both the first conjunct and the fully developed conjunction can fulfil the requirement imposed by the verb. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]