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This paper means to re-examine the source of incompleteness for a clause with a bare verb as predicate and no other markings in Mandarin. I propose that the reason comes from the need for categorial labels at the syntax-semantic interface to produce a clear interpretation. Since there are no grammatical affixes marking category V available in Mandarin, it has to make use of functional morphemes which shape their complement space categorially. The result is that overt (or at least inferable) morphemes from the extended projections of VP must occur to assign category V for the predicate phrase, while a root needs merge with degree morphemes to be a predicate adjective. The analysis shows that some issues traditionally related to finiteness may have a pure syntactic account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a principled account for the nominalizations of dispositional evaluative adjectives. On the descriptive side, the paper shows that (i) in addition to the largely studied deverbal nominalizations, certain deadjectival nominalizations can also refer to events; (ii) the types of adjectives that enable eventive denotation are of a specific sort, namely, those deriving from Dispositional Evaluative Adjectives (e.g., imprudent). At the theoretical level, this paper argues that (i) dispositional deadjectival nominalizations introduce an event description not in a head but in a specifier position, as their subject of predication; (ii) in order for a word to have functional structure of the sort associated to verbs, an event description is not enough: functional projections must form a head-sequence with the event-descriptive heads; without this configuration, the merge of a fully-fledged verbal functional structure is blocked, which explains the limitations regarding temporal modification; (iii) The event present in the dispositional deadjectival nominalizations is a partial event description consisting of a head referring to the Process subevent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of roots in English show uniform selectional properties across their various instantiations in verbs, nouns, or adjectives: rely V \textit{rely}_{\textrm{V}} on, reliance N _{\textrm{N}} on, reliant A _{\textrm{A}} on. This paper reports a new discovery: there are more than a hundred roots that display nonuniform selectional behavior. Their selectional class depends on whether the root is realized as a verb, a noun, or an adjective: pride V _{\textrm{V}} oneself on, pride N _{\textrm{N}} in, proud A _{\textrm{A}} of. I argue that this is best modeled if the categorizing node itself determines selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the ingredients of a Romance construction, henceforth named the V ben V construction, consisting of a verb and its theme object in combination with a degree adverb ben '{well, really}' followed by a verb in past participle or an adjectival form. It describes the properties and restrictions of the various constituents involved in this construction, and it presents a new analysis focusing on the properties of the main predicate, the theme object, the degree adverb ben and the degree phrase ben+VPP/A. It accounts for the potential manner and result readings of the adjunct constituent that ben introduces (i) by postulating that the ben+VPP/A modifier always predicates of the (sub)event expressed by the verb (an activity or a change of state), (ii) by associating manner with a DO verbal layer, and result with a BECOME verbal layer, and (iii) by identifying different ASPectual structures in the complement position of the degree adverb. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that subjects of verbs are base-generated within the (extended) verbal projection. In this paper I argue that the same is not true for predicative adjectives. In line with Baker (2003), I argue that while subjects of adjectives originate below spec,TP, they are not generated within the AP (or aP), but rather in the specifier of a higher functional projection, PredP. I further propose that the semantic relation between an adjective and its subject is not established by direct θ-role assignment. Unlike in the verbal domain, one of the adjective's θ-roles is lexically marked to undergo λ-abstraction in the semantic interface, and cannot be assigned syntactically to the subject. The discussion has consequences for the debate over the base position of subjects of verbs, providing evidence that they are generated in the specifier of the lexical verb, rather than in that of a higher 'little-v' head. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an analysis of NP ellipsis with adjectival remnants in Polish and Hungarian based on an investigation of the featural composition of heads contained within the extended nominal and adjectival projections, as well as configurations resulting from an application of Agree and the Principle of Chain Reduction. Elliptical NPs are analysed as headed by categorising n heads lacking a complement. Whereas in Polish NP-internal agreement results in such heads being defective goals, treated as lower copies at the SM interface, and hence being unpronounced, in Hungarian, where most NP-internal modifiers do not agree with the head nouns, the content of the n head (i. e. {[Num: β], [Case: γ]} on the current assumptions) is realised on the final NP-internal modifier inside elliptical NPs. The difference between Polish and Hungarian with respect to the (lack of the) effect of NP-internal agreement on the elliptical patterns follows from the differences in the features of functional categories and the timing of Spell-Out/Transfer. The discussion suggests that the distinction between NP and DP languages should be taken into consideration in analyses of ellipsis in the nominal domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the syntactic structure of the English get-passive construction and explores the implications it holds for theories of Agentivity, the determination of the syntactic status of External arguments, and the nature of Control. Four previous analyses of get-passives are examined, these being the two variants of the verbal passive analysis put forth respectively in Quirk et al. (A grammar of contemporary English, Longman, 1972) and Haegeman (Lingua, 66: 53--77, 1985); the Control approach suggested in Lasnik and Fiengo (Linguistic Inquiry 5: 535--571, 1974); and the currently accepted adjectival passive analysis put forth in Fox and Grodzinsky (A-chains in children's passive and get as an unaccusative (raising) verb, 1992, Linguistic Inquiry 29: 311--332, 1998). By reintroducing and adding to the empirical base, it is shown that this construction is three-way structurally ambiguous, possessing a verbal passive, an adjectival passive, and a Control structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article establishes a new generalization concerning domains from which extraction is possible. Taking as the starting point the well-known difference between NPs and VPs regarding extraction, where extraction from Complex NPs is not possible while extraction from Complex VPs is possible, the article argues that the former represents a pervasive pattern found in many contexts, the latter being highly exceptional. More precisely, extraction is impossible not only from clausal but all complements of nouns. Furthermore, it is impossible from complements of prepositions and adjectives as well as ergative verbs. A deduction of the impossibility of extraction from the complements of lexical heads (other than non-ergative verbs) is proposed based on a new approach to phases (i.e. to what counts as a phase) and the Phase-Impenetrability Condition, as well as a particular implementation of labeling algorithm. The analysis is extended to the Subject Condition effect and the that-trace effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]