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Split noun phrase topicalization has been the subject of intense studies across languages in the syntactic literature of the last few decades. One of the key questions raised for these constructions is whether they involve syntactic movement or base-generation. This paper explores this phenomenon in two understudied Iranian languages, Gilaki (Northwestern Iranian, Caspien) and Persian. In particular, we explore splits in two contexts, possessive constructions and numeral constructions. We develop diagnostics for distinguishing the two derivational possibilities, movement or base-generation, for the cases under investigation. We show that while Gilaki uses both derivational possibilities, movement in possessor split and base-generation in numeral split, Persian only allows for the latter with very similar behavior. We argue that possessor split occurs when the whole possessum DP/DemP moves out of its base position in a small clause. Numeral split occurs when the NP is replaced by a null nominal element, which is associated with an overt or pragmatic antecedent. We end the paper with a discussion of why an operation, movement or base-generation, is available for one construction but not the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether a stative predicate licenses an existential interpretation of its subject (EIS) depends in part on the type of object it has. While previous theories have related this to the object's ability to function as a topic, this paper presents evidence that the quantized/homogeneous distinction between objects better captures EIS and proposes an event composition analysis of EIS for (transitive) stative predicates. This analysis points to the aspectual nature of EIS and also illuminates other aspectual behaviors of stage-level/individual-level states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrastive topics and non-contrastive topics in Japanese generally receive separate treatments in the literature: although they are both marked by the particle wa, the former carry tone prominence and only optionally move to clause-initial position, while the latter (Kuno's [1973] 'theme') do not carry tone prominence and typically occupy clause-initial position. This paper presents arguments that contrary to this standard view, topics in Japanese, contrastive or non-contrastive, must occupy clause-initial position. Evidence comes from examining the syntactic and interpretive properties of both types of wa-marked phrases in various discourse contexts. First, a tonally prominent wa-phrase must move to clause-initial position in contexts that require a contrastive topic. Second, in contexts that allow a tonally prominent wa-phrase to remain in situ, the relevant phrase is not interpreted as a topic and cannot move to clause-initial position. Third, tonally prominent wa-phrases displaced to clause-initial position show the syntactic distribution of topics that are predicted by considerations at the syntax-information structure interface, but those in situ do not. Finally, despite the general consensus, there are limited circumstances in which tonally non-prominent wa-phrases can occupy a non-initial position. The article presents syntactic and interpretive evidence that such wa-phrases are also not topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for a predicative analysis of certain adjectives in two varieties of inverted Determiner Phrases: degree inverted DPs, as in Rasheed is too hot-tempered a player and negative intensifier inverted DPs, as in The Conformist isn't very good of a movie. In the case of degree inversion, movement is connected to a degree feature and inversion is licensed within the DP. In the case of negative intensifier inversion, movement is connected to a DP-internal negative feature, and again inversion is licensed within the DP. A case is made in support of distinguishing degree words like too and as from intensifiers like very and particularly on the basis of their ability to license inversion alone or only in combination with negation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the controversial shì ... de construction, which is shown to involve different types of structures, with different syntactic properties. The core of the analysis proposed in this article is twofold: (a) shì is a copula, which selects a small clause (with a subject and a predicate), and (b) de marks the presence of two different non-overt operators (a generalized lamba-operator, and an assertion operator). It is argued that the focus reading connected with shì is simply related to its copular/verbal property. Furthermore, Mandarin allows an in-situ focus strategy using phonological prominence; this strategy interacts with shì and its postverbal constituent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]