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This paper focuses on a group of Spanish emotion verbs, such as asustar 'to frighten' or asombrar 'to amaze', that takes as grammatical subject the cause which triggers the emotion and as first verbal object the experiencer (El violador asusta a las madres 'The rapist frightens the mothers'). Most of these verbs present an alternance in their superficial syntactic structure in such a way that the referred first verbal object can be interpreted as DO (El violador las asusta 'The rapist frightens them') or as IO (A las madres les asusta el violador 'The mothers are afraid of the rapist'). The goal of this paper is to ascertain whether these two syntactic expressions entail also differences in meaning and whether these differences are important enough to distinguish two lexical units within a polysemous word (lexical ambiguity) or, on the contrary, they can be covered by the same definition (lexical vagueness). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we focus on several Spanish and Catalan idiomatic constructions which are the result of the grammaticalization of different lexical items, but which share the expression of an emphasized or intensified quantification. These idiomatic constructions are the colloquial equivalent of quantifiers such as esp. mucho(s) / mucha(s) «many» or muy «very». For example, the exact equivalent of a sentence like María is very beautiful would be María es muy guapa, but there are many expressions in colloquial Spanish which can substitute this standard structure. For instance, one can say Mira que María es guapa, where an imperative of verb mirar («to look at») is used. The imperative mira can adopt this quantitative function because it has experienced a process of grammaticalization. In our paper we will analize the syntactic properties of these constructions, contrasting Spanish and Catalan forms, and we will study in detail the syntactic uses of the grammaticalized forms mira, cuidado and vaya. The latter is a subjunctive form of Spanish verb ir «to go» [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore the properties of preceding pronominal subjects in Caribbean Spanish and to provide an appropriate syntactic analysis for them. On the basis of the Head to Spec movement hypothesis proposed by Matushansky, Vicente and Citko, among others, we propose a novel analysis con cerning the conventional assumption in licensing null subjects. Concretely, it is assumed that the preceding pronominal subject is a spelled out element of the verb that has moved to Spec-IP, and this operation is realized as a clause-level compensation for the weakening of verbal inflection in Caribbean Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The six particles dis–, ex–, abs–, de, des–and desde constitute the relational subsystem of the “movement of separation” with heterogeneous vitality and profitability in Spanish language. This paper analyzes the issue of invariant signification in each of those particles, the senses they develop in preverbal or compositional position and the degree of vitality they show in contemporary speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical review of the so-called Verbal Government Complement (VGC), arguing, with Demonte, that two types of VGCs must be distinguished: the insist type, and the consist type. An analysis will be proposed according to which the former is formed by a small clause selected by a light verb (which explains their obligatory presence, e.g., The exam consists *(offive questions)), the latter being a variety of adjunct (in particular, a "lexical adjunct", in Mateu's sense, which will explain the possibility to suppress them: The witness insisted (that he is innocent)). Besides providing additional evidence to differentiate two types of VGCs, the analysis has the more general goal of discussing the traditional distinction between arguments (participants obligatorily selected) and adjuncts (or circumstantial complements). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work studies three 'denominal' verbs which has been classified as 'agentive': protagonizar, fiscalizar and tiranizar. The paper examines the relationship between the nominal bases and the meaning of these verbs. It also analyses some of their syntactic and semantic properties: the semantic role of their arguments, their participation in diathesis alternations, some of their aspectual characteristics. The analysis allows to conclude that fiscalizar and tiranizar are 'activity' verbs with a 'similative' meaning, but protagonizar differs from them in many ways. This verb does not seem to be specified with respect to 'agency' or 'activity', and the (sub)lexical, encyclopedic or 'frame' properties of its complements are clearly relevant for the semantic composition of the sentence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]