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This paper analyses how 10 localities in the USA and England, recognised as leaders in clean energy and climate action, have used collaborative approaches to develop local climate change plans and energy conservation, efficiency, and renewable energy initiatives. It examines these planning and policy-making processes in the context of Margerum's [2008. A typology of collaboration efforts in environmental management.Environmental Management, 41 (4), 487–500] typology of “action”, “organizational”, and “policy-level” collaborations, as well as Gray's [1989.Collaborating: finding common ground for multiparty problems. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass] classification of collaboration in the “problem-setting”, “direction-setting”, and “implementation” phases. We conducted interviews with local elected officials, municipal staff, energy professionals, and citizen volunteers in each community, supplemented with an analysis of their adopted energy, climate change, and land-use plans. We find that despite the different government structures and political contexts between the two countries, there was a surprising amount of commonality in how the case study localities used collaborative planning to develop local climate plans and clean energy initiatives. These processes were most often initiated by local elected officials and/or high-level staff members, and then carried out in collaboration with local third-sector organisations and other community stakeholders. In the USA, collaboration was strongest at the policy level and in the direction-setting phase, with the distinguishing feature that citizen advisory boards or stakeholder working groups often took a more active role in shaping local plans and policies. The English localities had some of those same types of collaborations, but were more likely to also employ action collaboration, in the implementation phase, in which third-sector organisations coordinated with the locality to directly provide clean energy services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that salmon aquaculture operations situated in First Nations' claimed territories on Canada's West Coast create issues of environmental injustice. Salmon farms are associated with various environmental problems including pollution of the aquatic environment, risks to wild salmon, and food safety issues. These environmental problems constitute issues of environmental injustice due to the disproportionate, and different, impacts they have on coastal First Nations in comparison with other Canadians. The paper draws on material from several reviews of British Columbian (BC) salmon aquaculture to analyse coastal BC First Nations' claims and concerns about salmon farming along three environmental justice dimensions: distribution, participation and recognition. Qualitative evidence is obtained suggesting that coastal First Nations face disproportionate health risks from salmon farms, are excluded from decision-making processes with respect to the farms, and feel that their worldviews, identities, and ways of life are both ignored and at risk from the farms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1995 the Progressive Conservative Party (PC) defeated the New Democratic Party (NDP) to form the government in the province of Ontario, Canada. These parties represent different positions regarding the management, regulation and control of environmental affairs. The effects of provincial legislation on the environment are typically felt at the local level and hence we argue that this study has relevance for those interested in local environments. One policy paper regarding the environment for each party is analysed using a formal discourse analysis technique called textual analysis computing tools (TACT). The rationale for using TACT is included, as is a brief commentary on previous studies that have used discourse analysis to examine environmental issues. The results of the analysis indicate the different ways that the NDP and the PC express their philosophical positions as applied to environmental policy making in Ontario. The shift in 1995 from the social democratic and interventionist stance of the NDP with respect to environmental policy making toward the more corporate, free-market privatisation regime of the PC is demonstrated. Close attention is paid in the discourse analysis to the use of words like 'cost', 'economy' and 'environment' in the two documents analysed. The use of language in a government position paper creates meaning and significance to citizens in the context of their local environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper examines the new Ontario guidelines for the clean-up of contaminated sites using Toronto as an empirical case. The contention of the paper is that Ontario's new soil clean-up policy is the product of a set of embedded understandings about the economy, about the environment and about deep interconnections between the environment and the economy. These understandings are, to a large degree, specifically local. We contextualise the new guidelines by arguing that they contribute to restructuring the political economy of Toronto from an industrial to a global city. The analysis is based on, among other sources, a series of interviews with policy makers, scientists, bankers, insurance representatives and other knowledgeable individuals in the debate on polluted soil clean-up. Substantively, the paper focuses on the introduction of various risk-assessment processes into the debate on contaminated sites. The paper concludes that these processes need to be made subject to democratic rather than purely technocratic processes of evaluation and decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have survived Canada's assault on our identity and our rights ... Our survival is a testament to our determination and will to survive as a people. We are prepared to participate in Canada's future - but only on the terms that we believe to be our rightful heritage. Wallace Labillois, Council of Elders, Kingsclear, New Brunswick This paper argues for a strengthening of the theoretical relationship between neo-liberalism and environmental justice. Empirical research involving First Nations communities in southwestern Ontario suggests that neo-liberal reforms introduced in the mid-1990s were particularly discriminatory against Canada's indigenous peoples, serving to exacerbate historical disparities in health, environment pollution, and well-being. In particular, under neo-liberal reform in Ontario, recognition of environmental injustices has become much more difficult for First Nations communities. Furthermore, this 'new' form of environmental governance has broadly reduced legitimate opportunities for First Nations to participate in environmental governance that affects their health and welfare. In short, this research supports a widening of the definition of environmental justice advocated by David Schlosberg and others (Environmental Politics, 13(3) (2004), pp. 517-540; Agyeman, Bullard and Evans 2003; Akwesasne Task Force on the Environment, Research Advisory committee 1997; Di Chiro 1998) if we are to understand the subtle, complex and multiple ways that this new form of environmental governance is particularly harmful to marginalized groups, such as First Nations in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1995 the provincial government of British Columbia, Canada, passed new legislation encouraging regional districts to prepare Regional Growth Strategies. The strategies were to be means of coordinating municipal action on regional issues. They were also meant to facilitate pursuit of sustainability objectives, including reducing urban sprawl, protecting environmentally sensitive areas, providing affordable housing and decreasing pollution. This paper examines the experience so far in one region that chose to prepare a growth strategy: the Capital Regional District (CRD) at the south end of Vancouver Island. Growth-management planning in the CRD has been and remains both critical and difficult. The region expects a substantial population increase over the next couple of decades and has a limited land base for urban expansion. Man), citizens recognise that their quality of life is high, but vulnerable and, as a result, public support for effective growth management is stronger in the CRD than in many other provincial growth areas. However, BC does not have a tradition of strong regional governance and the CRD as a regional authority is the creature of sixteen municipalities and electoral areas. Seven years into the process, effective growth management still faces substantial challenges, including the persistent jurisdictional protectionism of CRD municipalities. Nevertheless, there have been positive achievements and an admirable diversity of individuals, organisations and initiatives continue to push municipal and regional officials towards a more sustainable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]