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This paper examines the maritime diplomacy of India's Prime Minister Modi, and argues that it is encapsulated in the acronym SAGAR, i.e. security and growth for all in the region. This vision also spells out that maritime security is the primary responsibility of the littoral states, while stressing cooperation and collaboration. It also highlights aspects of the Blue Economy and suggests that SAGAR is nonassertive, seeks peaceful resolution of disputes and calls for a commitment by all countries to adhere to international maritime laws. The paper argues that India conducts its maritime diplomacy at three levels which give it a “strategic strength”. They are: high-level bilateral visits where strategic issues are an important component; regional collaborative means; and, lastly, revitalizing the cultural and civilisational links with projects such as “Project Mausam”. The paper concludes that the International Fleet Review to be held at Vishakhapatnam in 2016 gives India a “strategic opportunity” to contribute to a maritime narrative which may be able to address the mistrust in the current global maritime order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's ambitions in East Asia are evident and pragmatic. It has a growing bonhomie with Japan to collaborate with on bilateral level and within multilateral frameworks as well. In consideration of Japan's caution towards the US and China, it is looking for a sustainable partnership that has mutually appreciative policy axes and the capabilities to achieve bilateral objectives with it. It has repeatedly identified India as the most viable option to adopt this role. The author has taken into consideration multilateral arrangements and larger international relations with countries like China to understand the limitations to Indo-Japanese relations, with recommendations on how to overcome them. Furthermore, the article explores the possibility of a larger multilateral security regime with the Republic of Korea and Taiwan, in light of mutual interests and the latest trends of multilateralism that have swept Asia in the twenty-first century. Finally, the paper observes that India's role in East Asia does not have to be fundamentally defined by or structured on the basis of the actions of a third party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blue economy, which promotes sustainable usages of ocean resources for economic growth and development, as well as preservation of the health of ocean ecosystem, has become a crucial element of the broader ecosystem of sustainable and inclusive development. The desire to sustainably harness the potential of ocean and marine resources has been amply visible at the national and global level. Technological innovations, investment and multilateral cooperation have further been facilitating progress in the sectors of blue economy. Placed in a central position in the Indian Ocean and with a vast exclusive economic zone (EEZ), India has substantial potential for tapping marine resources and blue economy could emerge as the paradigm of development in the future. New Delhi has taken many initiatives to promote blue economy activities and development of modern infrastructure for greater connectivity, international collaboration and trade facilitation. Further, it is seeking wider multilateral cooperation in areas of financing, technology transfer, capacity building and knowledge sharing. This paper underlines the importance of blue economy in a broader framework of sustainable development and analyses India's foreign policy orientation towards blue economy. Finally, it also discusses cooperation between India and European countries in the sectors of blue economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate induced geo-physical transformations occurring in the Arctic are also attributing to geopolitical transformations of the region. Opening up of the Arctic is resulting in a geopolitical race amongst the Arctic and non-Arctic states to dominate emerging economic and strategic opportunities in the region. Transformations in the Arctic assume global links and possess a potential of significantly impacting the Arctic as well as the Asian states. China's assertiveness to become a Polar Great Power has set a course for new Asian perceptions towards the region. In pursuits of its economic, environmental, scientific, social and strategic endeavours, China is making significant inroads in the region to meet its short and long-term objectives. This paper makes an attempt to reconsider India's approach towards the Arctic not by taking China as a benchmark, but rather as a useful backdrop to broaden and deepen India's engagements in the circumpolar north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For India, the concept of Indo-Pacific spans from the East Coast of Africa to the Western Pacific. This is because for India, it is the outer limit of the Indo-Pacific, and South Pacific acts as the new periphery of its Act East policy. Many ASEAN nations are deliberating about the utility of the Indo-Pacific. In the past, the then Indonesia Foreign Minister Marty Natalagewa had proposed the Indo-Pacific treaty and in 2019, ASEAN discussed the new geo-strategic construct despite variations in the approach and subscription. For India, South Pacific has three major objectives catering to its Act East policy; its need for supporting votes for its Security Council permanent member seat, Indian diaspora in the region, and harnessing sea bed mineral resources with island nations under the blue economy concept. However, whether India does have the desire or is just scouting for resources and therefore wants to protect its strategic interest across the Indo-Pacific region needs further scrutiny. India's approach with regard to Indian Ocean has been appreciated but now it is using Act East policy to encapsulate South Pacific region through its Oceania approach. The paper discusses strategic and functional aspects of India's approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's Indo-Pacific strategy has brought various States under the limelight, that were previously ignored or under recognised in Indian Foreign Policy. The Pacific Island Countries were often relegated to tertiary levels of strategic consideration during the Cold War by the policy makers in New Delhi. But ever since the growth of China and its Belt and Road Initiative, these countries have become increasingly important to all the players in the region. Since 2015, under the new construct of a unified Indo-Pacific, India has actively pursued countries in South East Asia under a new light, but in spite of a upswing in relations with Oceanic countries it has failed to enhance its influence in the region. This paper analyses India's relations with various Pacific Island Countries, in context of the roles played by the United States, China, and Australia in the region It further identifies areas in which India needs to enhance its engagement with Oceanic States and capitalise on the bonhomie created after the two chapters of the Forum for Indo-Pacific Islands Cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For any nation-state, multiple agencies are drawn in to guard their maritime interests, and technology plays a crucial role towards guarding such interests. This paper debates the significance of space technologies for the maritime domain in general and navies in particular. It identifies specific space technologies of relevance for improving ship movement and weapons delivery performance. Lastly, the paper also takes a macro view about investments made by India in space technologies for the purposes of their maritime requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are a vital source for India's energy requirements and home to a large population of Indian workers. Although for quite some time now, India's strategic influence in the Gulf region has been overshadowed by Pakistan, recent developments seem to present India with an opportunity to expand its influence led by maritime security cooperation. However, the growth of Chinese economic and political influence in the region presents some tough challenges. This paper examines India's extant security ties with the GCC countries and their relations with China, with an aim to make a relative assessment of India's strategic influence and discusses the prospects for India's position in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is estimated that over the next two to three decades, the global naval shipbuilding industry could see an investment of over US $835 billion in new warship and submarine construction. In an ambitious effort, many countries are now analysing the strengths and weaknesses of their respective naval shipbuilding industries in order to renew their naval fleets. Towards this end, specialist studies and research have been commissioned by various stakeholders, to take a strategic look at the shipbuilding industry to determine lessons from some recent naval construction programmes, identify capacity limitations (in terms of infrastructure, skills and character of the workforce, and suppliers who constitute the ecosystem) and explore policy options that are open to the government and the industry to overcome any limitations. This paper presents a review of a few of these studies and identifies the factors that are likely to impact on future naval construction and acquisitions. The paper also examines trends in naval design and construction technologies and presents possible lessons for the Indian naval shipbuilding industry. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper examines emerging prospects for Russia–India cooperation. While the two countries can collaborate in various areas of mutual interest, the paper identifies possible challenges and effects on the cooperation in the Arctic region. The sanctions imposed by the West could impede Russian energy projects in the Arctic. This could force the state to find a way to replace Western technologies through enhancing capacities of national industry and developing cooperation with other states, including Asian countries. This shift is also bolstered by the political interest to strengthen the position of Russia in the Asian region as a whole, and to increase the country's energy security. The paper provides an overview of the Russian and Indian interest and policy in the Arctic, and presents the perspectives and challenges for both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper focuses on the maritime aspects of climate change. It highlights the regulatory role that the oceans play in the global climate, through its absorptive and buffering capacities. Based on recent reports, the paper presents various observations on ocean warming, sea level rise, ocean acidification and de-oxygenation, and charts out their impacts on the oceans. Based on forecasts for the future, it observes that these changes will continue to degrade marine ecosystems further, unless considerable action is taken now. The paper notes that climate change poses substantial risks to human and natural systems, which have significant implications for India. As this poses challenges to the growth and development of the country, India needs to take action for adaptation as well as for mitigation. The paper also examines India's stand in climate negotiations and suggests that India needs to adopt a flexible approach while championing the cause of an equitable and fair climate deal. The paper concludes that there is a strong case for bringing oceans into the public debate and strengthening India's resilience capacity is the key to face the growing threat of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world due to climate change and sea level rise (SLR). This has caused large-scale population displacement, human insecurity and illegal migration to India. This paper first analyses the environmental crisis of Bangladesh taking into considerations the problem of SLR, tropical cyclones, soil salinity and mangrove depletion. The second part of the paper discusses its impact on India with special emphasis on the problem of illegal Bangladeshi migration on three areas – North Bengal, Indian Sunderbans Region and North East India. It discusses the possibilities of retaining back the climate-induced migrants through climate change adaptation techniques, people's participation and the bilateral cooperation between India and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Centre–state relations in India are a fascinating area of studies. The structure of the relationship has an effect on every single aspect of life as we know it in India. This paper is an attempt to study centre–state relations in the context of India's maritime counter-terrorism strategy. Although the Government of India has not publicly stated its counter-terrorism strategy on the sea, intelligence, information sharing, crisis response, finances for internal security and the nation's legislation for battling terrorism together comprise India's maritime-terrorism strategy. Through study of these areas, the paper argues that the centre–state divide has had systemic implications on India's maritime security and has largely done more harm than good to collective initiatives that aspire to prevent future risk of terrorism from the sea or on the sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Australia have assumed a greater role in international affairs, emerging as regional powers with great power potential. Changes in the international environment, particularly the rise of China as a common source of concern and growing economic relations between the two countries in an era of increasingly complex interdependence, have provided an impulse for the two countries to enhance their bilateral ties. Part of that includes developing a robust maritime capability that can project force across blue water as well as on land, and which works in concert with allied maritime forces in assuring the defence of common interests. The paper provides an overview of the Indian–Australian relationship, focusing the analysis on India's changing maritime outlook, Australia's strategic priorities and a forecast of the possibilities for their developing a strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The rise of China is the primary cause of changing strategic dynamics in Asia. China's growing economic, military and political weight is shaping regional and individual destinies of its neighbours, particularly in Southeast Asia. Despite the academic debate over its future, Chinese influence is burgeoning and this has major implications for other Asian powers such as India, Japan, Russia, and the offshore balancer, the United States. This paper examines Chinese strategic gains in the Southeast Asian region in the areas of trade, regional diplomacy and cross-border connectivity. It also seeks to understand why India, unlike China, has not managed to integrate as closely with Southeast Asia despite using policies similar to that of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, after the denouement of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world, major changes took place at the international level. In the wake of these changes, India and the US had to re-adjust their policies and relations that led to cordial India-US relations. Maritime relations were not immune to these winds of change. In the maritime domain, India has adopted a different attitude towards the US presence in the Indian Ocean as compared to the Cold War period. The United States has also recognized India as a major security provider in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) as the Indian Navy is the largest force in the region. Through the maritime cooperation, both nations can provide the secure and stable environment in the IOR, which is the stated aim of both the countries. In this regard, this paper tries to analyse India-US maritime relations during the Cold War era as well as the post-Cold War period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If strategic ties are considered as the yardstick for assessing the overall relations between two countries, then India-Malaysia relations can be categorised as a 'missed opportunity'. This is primarily because, despite the historical linkages, both countries are yet to go beyond their differences in order to bolster their bilateral ties. This paper aims to analyse the various dimensions of India-Malaysia relations, as well as areas of convergence and divergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime boundary, like territorial or land boundary, is a politically sensitive subject, because it affects a state's sovereign rights concerning the fisheries, hydrocarbons and other resources as well as uses of the sea. This sensitivity is manifest in the issue of delimitation of maritime boundaries between India and Bangladesh. Bangladesh, having failed to resolve the dispute diplomatically, has invoked Annex VII mandatory arbitration procedures, entailing binding decision, to seek judicial settlement of the dispute against India. Currently, arbitration proceedings are going on between India and Bangladesh at the Permanent Court of Arbitration, The Hague, for the delimitation of their maritime boundaries under the UNCLOS, 1982. This paper provides an overview and analysis of the legal aspects of the India-Bangladesh maritime boundary dispute. Bangladesh's 'nonflexible' approach in resolving the dispute is primarily driven by its desperation to benefit commercially by exploiting potential hydrocarbon resources in the Bay of Bengal, which ignores both facts as well as the applicable law. Therefore, arguments put forth by Bangladesh to buttress its maritime claim may boomerang in legal scrutiny and make it a loser in legal battle with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seaports have evolved with changing technologies to ensure the handling of close to 80 per cent of global trade by volume and 70 per cent by value. As the ports have grown across the world, unabated pollution from numerous activities of ships, ports, industries, and infrastructure development has forced countries to focus on safe, efficient, and sustainable ports by focusing on community development to achieve cleaner harbours, skies, and soil. An effort of the Government of India for major Indian ports in this direction is Project Green Ports. Though the project was initiated in 2016, there is little update available about the project. It is to fill this gap that the article discusses the progress of the major Indian ports towards becoming green ports. In doing so, the article analyses the efforts made and the existing shortcomings to answer whether the Indian ports are on the right track to becoming green ports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh's initiation of arbitration proceedings separately against India and Myanmar, under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), resulted in the creation of a "grey area", having overlapping continental shelf and exclusive economic zone rights, between India, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. There are several examples of cooperative frameworks for management of overlapping maritime claims areas around the world, but no such mechanism exists in South Asia. The resolution of the grey area remains an impediment towards ensuring collective maritime security and comprehensive development of the Bay of Bengal. Being the biggest nation in the region, and with its "Neighbourhood First" policy and its promotion of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) to harness shared and accelerated growth through mutual cooperation, India needs to take the lead in seeking a resolution of the grey area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When it comes to the maritime history of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), there are few available textual resources and written pieces of evidence which can help undertake a cogent reconstruction. This article attempts to retrieve some of those maritime practices that prevailed among the mariners and sailors on the basis of a few available written documents, such as travellers' accounts, Mughal court chronicles, European factory records and other written documents. Such historical reconstruction is important since, in the past few decades, the Indian Ocean has become significant object of study in its own right. The article seeks to recover "forgotten" oceanic histories of law or practices in the western IOR, and examine how these got institutionalised as admiralty law in India. More precisely, it focuses on the process of the transformation of maritime law from tradition to admiralty law in some detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seaports are an indispensable asset in interconnected and interdependent global supply chains. Their complex infrastructural and operational systems and critical foreland and hinterland networks make ports a vital nodal point in the economic progress of nations at large, and the coastal urban agglomerations in particular. These critical maritime assets are currently under threat from the disruptive impacts of anthropogenic climate change, such as sea-level rise and intensifying extreme weather events. The economic losses from these impacts will span a wide range, from hard infrastructural damages to operational delays in supply chain management. Incorporating climate resilience in existing and new port infrastructure remains a complex challenge that will require port authorities to confront the problem of climate uncertainty and its socio-economic implications. This article focuses on seaports in the Indian context to highlight the complex threats of climate change. It examines the main debates on climate uncertainty and policymaking, path dependencies in port planning, global best practices, knowledge gaps and strategies that will be critical for Indian ports to better confront climate change induced disruptions in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South China Sea is of immense strategic significance to India from politico-diplomatic, economic and security perspectives. As a rising power, India has expanded its strategic geography and, in this context, it formulated its Look East Policy, which was rechristened as the Act East Policy in 2014. Its current interests go beyond Southeast Asia into the wider Asia-Pacific region, including the South China Sea. From an economic perspective, more than 50% of India's trade is transported through the sea lanes of the South China Sea. India is also concerned about China's assertiveness here, in particular its aggressive posturing and militarisation of the disputed Spratly and Paracel Islands and non-adherence to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). India has actively promoted the principles of international law and freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea. Further, the Indian Navy has maintained a regular presence in the South China Sea to protect India's economic and security interests, which includes the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation's (ONGC) offshore oil and gas exploration project in partnership with Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indo-Pacific has emerged as an important region in international politics where the major powers are deeply engaged in reshaping the security architecture. Over the last few years, India and China have drawn their policies by employing competitive strategies that strengthen as well as neutralise their respective power positions in the Indian Ocean Region, particularly in South Asia and the South China Sea. China's "String of Pearls" strategy and the "Belt and Road Initiative" undermine India's influence in the Indian Ocean Region, where the changing geo-economic and geostrategic imperatives pose threat to its interests. This mounts pressure on New Delhi to respond by pursuing counter-strategies to secure its interests in the Indo-Pacific region. The article further explains how India and the United States' interests are converging against an assertive China in the Indo-Pacific and how the two states' security and maritime collaborations are balancing their common rival by maintaining a favourable status quo in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water scarcity is a long-standing issue among Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The issue is further magnified by climate change and is emerging as an existential threat to SIDS. Ironically, these states are among the lowest contributors to greenhouse gas emissions which is the primary cause for climate change. Due to limited indigenous economic and technological capacity and capability, SIDS often require external assistance. In this context, this article explores the opportunity for India to offer its Low Temperature Thermal Desalination (LTTD) technology to tackle water scarcity in SIDS. The article will assess the advantages of LTTD over conventional options such as membrane-based and other distillation-based techniques. By promoting the technology through bilateral and multilateral mechanisms, India can reinforce its position as a major stakeholder in the Indo-Pacific and as a responsible actor committed to combating and mitigating effects of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime domain awareness (MDA) is a vital enabler of maritime security operations. For India it is a particularly important, yet challenging task, considering the complexity of the maritime neighbourhood in which it seeks to attain its strategic objectives. India's doctrinal articulations rightly identify MDA as a key operational enabler across the spectrum of maritime operations. Accordingly, the country and its maritime security agencies have invested significant effort in bolstering MDA capabilities, especially in the period after the Mumbai terror attacks of 2008. These efforts have resulted in substantial augmentation of platforms at the front-end of MDA operations, shore-based infrastructure, and in establishing international linkages for information-sharing. However, there are notable gaps in national MDA capabilities that may adversely impact the higher end of maritime operations. Mitigation of these shortcomings will require sustained focus in the immediate future, and a smart approach to capability accretion that ensures maximum returns on investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Palk Bay (PB) is an inlet in the Bay of Bengal. The 1974 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement that delimited the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) in PB, brought Kachchu Thivu under sovereignty of Sri Lanka, thus limiting the fishing ground for Indian fishers. Indian fishers allege that their traditional fishing right in PB, recognised by the 1974 agreement, was cancelled by the subsequent 1976 Indo-Sri Lankan agreement. Presently 2650 Indian trawlers are fishing in PB, often in Sri Lankan waters. They are repeatedly attacked by the Sri Lanka navy. The Government of India has been initiating programmes to prevent the trans boarder fishing and to divert the mechanized trawlers for deep-sea fishing. Indian fishers demand the retrieval of Kachchu Thivu and the restoration of traditional fishing rights as the permanent solution. The study reveals that the perspectives and the programmes of the Government cannot solve the problem and also the demands of the fishers are not legally feasible. So joint governance and management of PB by both countries is proposed as a lasting solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maritime affairs have been experiencing a state of flux in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly since the beginning of the present decade, attributable to the policies of an assertive China, consequently evoking proportional responses from regional state actors. Amid this transforming scenario, regional states such as India, Japan and Australia have devised policies towards ensuring uninterrupted freedom of navigation and overflight of the Indo-Pacific waterways, given their strategic and commercial sensitivity as sea lanes of communication. The compulsion of sustaining the maritime balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region has necessitated responsible states like India and Japan to forge and bolster bilateral defence cooperation, in keeping with their respective national interests, policies and guidelines. Against this backdrop, this article analyses the impulses, dynamics and challenges of maritime cooperation between India and Japan, particularly in the defence-industrial realm. It underscores the imperative of sustaining and further strengthening the dynamics of bilateral defence-industrial cooperation and optimally exploring the opportunities unveiled by policies like "Make in India", in sync with Japan's quest for defence modernisation and development, towards securing a free and open Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In global politics, the relations between India and China have long been branded by the countries' customary rivalry. Bitterness and resentment between the two came to the fore with the exile of Dalai Lama to India in 1959. Subsequent to this episode, the Sino-Indian war of 1962 further exacerbated their already strained ties. The continued border dispute, much importantly added fuel to fire. Altercations in their relations, thus are yet not extinguished. In the twenty-first century, when these Asian giants are putting forward their soft power together with military muscle through economic persuasion, the waters of the Indian Ocean are sponsoring economic and geo-strategic conflicts between the two. "India's participation in the new alliance formed in the maritime domain whereas could cause increasing insecurities to Beijing, Beijing's unregulated assertiveness through monetary aids along with modernized naval tactics is also viewed to have escalated India's security concerns". The global powers when examine such bilateral equation with probabilities of drawing complexities, cooperation between the two, in the form of an unprecedented "maritime dialogue", demonstrate their unabated commitment to ensure maritime security while pursuing their geo-strategic ambitions in the region. Developments of this kind can help promote regional peace as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's unprecedented economic rise and its growing military profile have transformed the threat matrix for India. China is challenging India's interests in its immediate neighbourhood in multiple ways. Managing strategic challenge from China, therefore, has become a topmost foreign policy priority for India. The article argues that given the structural constraints of New Delhi-Beijing rapprochement, there is an urgent need for India to step up quadrilateral security cooperation with the U.S., Japan and Australia. The revival of the Quad reflects this growing consensus. However, India's hedging approach – simultaneously balancing and engaging with China – may be politically expedient in the short run, but not without long-term adverse consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From China's perspective, border disputes, India's strategic cooperation with other major powers and security competition between China and India in IOR are the main factors shaping Sino-India relations. China believes that border disputes is difficult to resolve but largely manageable, India is wary of joining forces with US and other major powers to contain China, and the two countries can still seek coexistence in IOR even though India is concerned about China's growing influence in this region. China is implementing a counter-hedging strategy towards India that features active engagement with India on one hand and a certain level of security pressures on India on the other hand. To prevent these three problems from becoming more serious and exacerbating the Sino-Indian contradiction, China find it necessary to pay more attention on engagement with India and come up with more diplomatic resources and policy inputs in handling the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India–Japan security cooperation is a critical component in the evolving security mechanism of the Indo-Pacific region. Both states are secondary states in the international system that opposes one country's emergence as a regional hegemon. China's rise and her ambition to dominate the Indo-Pacific would affect the security interests of India and Japan. The U.S., the current preponderant power in the region, seems unable to contain China by itself. So it is looking for strategic partnerships with regional countries who are militarily capable of challenging China, and persuading them to balance China. In this regard, the two powerful states in China's own backyard – Japan in the western Pacific and India in the Indian Ocean – have come together to counter the Chinese hegemony in the Indo-Pacific. In this effort, they have gradually built up naval cooperation sans a formal military alliance. They follow soft balancing strategies over hard balancing ones because neither wants to antagonise China. Similarly both countries seek to expand their presence through mutual cooperation beyond South-east Asia. This article explains the nature and context of soft power balancing strategies and the manner in which the India–Japan maritime security cooperation has evolved over the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ASEAN will form on December 31, 2015, the ASEAN Community, which will try to integrate 10 very heterogeneous countries into “one family”. On one hand, historical developments and security concerns led to a rather nationalistic position of the individual countries, and on the other, developments related to “non-traditional security” (NTS) issues are forcing a rethinking of hard-line positions in favour of a regional maritime approach. Whilst in many political and academic circles the term “regional resilience” is regularly used, the understanding ranges from the interpretation that this is a new Chinese wording for justifying the increase of the military and maritime power of the country, via the claim that the “new” security approaches are just emerging after the end of the Cold War, to the differentiating theory debate about different political approaches to international relations and the NTS issues. This article explores the historical development of NTS threats and then addresses some risks for the ASEAN Community 2015 as well as providing answers to the ASEAN 2015 three-pillar strategy of the ASEAN Political–Security Community (APSC), the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC). The article will explore a strategic approach rather than operational issues to address certain challenges within this strategy, and will discuss some maritime implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including civil-military relations, federalism and foreign policy in India.

The characteristics of Indian federalism are unique. The uniqueness is conspicuous by its dual character: “federal during normal times, but unitary in times of war”. The study examines how such a federal set-up impinges on India's internal security management, including maritime and coastal security. Despite being in a stronger position constitutionally, the Centre has not been assertive. Finding out various reasons for the Union's hesitancy, the study advocates a stronger role for the Centre in internal security issues. The main reason being the threat matrix to India's internal security is such that it is beyond the capability of the States of India to counter them on their own, effectively. After analysing various constitutional and legal aspects of internal security, the study makes some key recommendations. It advocates the need for the Centre and the States to combine their efforts instead of blaming each other for internal security problems. “Cooperative Federalism” instead of “Competitive Federalism” is the suitable way ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These are difficult times for civil–military relations in India. They may appear normal superficially but lurking beneath the surface are serious differences. “More than ever the balance between the Indian state, the Indian society and the nation's military institutions is out of kilter. This can have grave implications if the equilibrium is not promptly restored because only nations which are successful in evolving a properly balanced pattern of civil–military relations succeed in their search for security while those who fail, merely end up squandering their limited resources and put their national security at risk”. While the Indian State cannot absolve itself of the way it has handled the nation's military, Indian military also needs to do some serious introspection. “Blaming the government for all the ills afflicting the defence sector seems to be becoming the default position within the ranks of the military and taking this too far can be really dangerous for the liberal democratic ethos of this nation”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil–military equation has been assigned great significance in the national security matrix, and experts consider that nations that fail to evolve a stable paradigm of civil–military relations squander their resources and run grave security risks. In India, this issue has failed to receive the importance it deserves because of the general indifference of the politicians to national security affairs on one hand, and the vested interest of the bureaucracy in maintaining the status quo on the other. It is believed that civil–military relations constitute a zero-sum game in which “civilian control” is retained by reducing the power of the military vis-à-vis the civilians. An irrational but subliminal fear of the military has led the Indian politicians to skew the civil–military equation in favour of the bureaucracy and, in a paradigm unique to India, to place the military under their control. Pointing to the military's sense of grievance and the vitiated atmosphere that prevails in the Ministry of Defence, the author reflects on the price being paid by the nation for endemic “civil–military dissonance” in terms of major national-security shortcomings, as well as the damage being inflicted on the institution of our armed forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study regarding the presence of Indian Diaspora in Myanmar in transforming the bilateral relations between India and Myanmar. It says that the Indian Diaspora has acted as a catalyst to strengthen India's bilateral relations with the host nations. It mentions the High Level Committee on the Indian Diaspora (HLCID) report in 2001 which revealed the estimated 2.9 million total numbers of ethnic Indians in Myanmar.

Outer space, or simplyspace, is the void that exists between celestial bodies. This frontier of outer space is fast emerging as the fourth dimension (after land, sea and air) for military applications. Space will undoubtedly be the military high ground for warfare in the future acting as a “force multiplier” for any military operation. Militarization of space involves use of space technology for exploiting weapons on the ground and in the earth's atmosphere with more accuracy. India has to defend her physical, economic and cultural identity in the prevalent geo-political milieu as it faces varied and complex security challenges. There is a clear and present danger that sooner or later space could be weaponized by various countries. India can no longer be immune to the rapidly changing international security environment, threat to India's national security from nuclear and missile capabilities in its neighbourhood and the vulnerabilities of its space assets. It is therefore imperative that India exploits the capabilities of space, concurrently at appropriate levels, to achieve the desired operational capabilities in a compressed time frame. Since the early 1990s, the Indian armed forces have benefitted from the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) civilian satellites. However, as operational requirements now demand an increase in military capabilities, the armed forces certainly need dedicated military satellites. This space capability has to be optimally exploited by the three services of the Indian defence forces with synergy and harmony, which is possible only under a single appropriate command structure. It is high time that India realizes: “To remain in Race, the Indian armed forces should be in Space”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inadequacy of the legal regime to regulate and protect the fragile marine ecosystem is brought forth by recent incidents (e.g. Montara, Australia; Deepwater Horizon, USA) involving deep offshore oil rigs. When the pollution is massive in scale, who pays for the damages? In different regions, fragmented regional arrangements are available to resolve this problem but that is not the answer. Efforts are being made to address this problem internationally. Until the time an internationally acceptable solution for this problem is found, the ongoing spate of unregulated offshore exploration and production (E&P) activates in Bay of Bengal is a cause for concern to India and its neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The US defence industry has been the leading manufacturer and exporter of the major weapons systems of the world. In the post-Cold War era, most of the global defence industries, including the US defence industry, are looking towards India as an outsourcing hub for the technological development as well as markets. The current international security and threat perceptions, the defence industry trends and challenges, the convergence of geo-economic and geo-strategic interests between India and the US have strengthened the defence industry collaborations between them. The confidence and the trust that have been built in recent years between the US and India in the overall bilateral relationship have facilitated the strategic/security partnership in which the defence industry ties would be a key component of the ongoing “US–India strategic partnership.” [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

January 26, 2013; Somewhere off the Sir Creek:An important naval operation is called for during the early morning hours to support a team of the Army's elite Special Forces (SF) deployed inland as part of a force committed to breaking up a concentration of terrorists with ties to an international organisation. The weather forecast predicts clear skies. As the operation commences just after sunrise heavy fog descends on the sea coast. The SF team moves in as per the previously decided H-hour expecting fire support from sea. The laser designator to direct the missile from the ship fails to acquire the target. The fire support however, continues without accurate spotting due to reduced visibility. Radio communications between the SF team and the naval ship become unreliable. By the time news of the SF advance and their new positions are relayed to the naval commander, the SF team has taken significant casualties. Some terrorists escape although the operation is declared a success. However, the conduct of such joint operations in the future is now endangered. Subsequent analysis released by the navy's meteorological department suggests that an early morning temperature inversion was the cause of the fog build-up and the strong atmospheric gradient resulted in poor radio communications. August 15, 2013; Somewhere off the Coast of Andaman and Nicobar Islands:A ship suspected of carrying contraband arms has been tracked and is heading for the harbour of a hostile naval base. A Marine Commando team is to be dispatched by a high-speed boat to intercept, board, and take control of the vessel. The team leader checks with the Met officer and ascertains that the wave heights are averaging 3 feet from the southeast. He estimates the intercept can be made a few miles before the ship enters hostile waters if the boat averages 10 knots. The moment the mission is launched at 2300 hours, a tornado develops and the wave height reaches 6 feet. As the boat picks up speed, the violent shocks of the craft engaging the 6-foot seas directly on the bow become unbearable to the team and the boat crew. The boat had to slow to 5 knots and finally the intercept is missed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myanmar is an important neighbour of India as it shares extensive land borders with India's north-eastern states and maritime borders in the Bay of Bengal. The long spell of Myanmar's military rule forced India to follow a policy of disengagement with the Burmese authorities. It was only after India initiated its “Look East” policy in the 1990s New Delhi started its engagement with the military junta. Moreover, the recent democratisation of Myanmar has the potential to take India–Myanmar relations to a new height. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian maritime activities have a long history covering a period of about five millennia from the very dawn of the Indus Valley civilization. There was a golden age of Indian seafaring, a major part of it remaining unknown or unexplored Study and analysis of maritime history, hence, is essential to understand the nature and orientation of India's maritime culture. Maritime history of India, as such, has not been well documented. A grand historical narrative is required to boost support for a maritime build-up. It is also imperative to explain what kind of navy the nation needs and how it should be used. History also helps to define and devise naval diplomacy and strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The evolving relationship between India and Japan is a development of great strategic significance for the Asia-Pacific region. Both India and Japan are militarily strong nations that are opposed to notions of hegemony, yet face numerous security challenges. Each has territorial problems with China, whose maritime conflicts in the South China Sea have made nations in Southeast Asia extremely anxious. The emerging Sino-Indian competition along with eroding US influence in the Indian Ocean Region makes the situation more complex. In the rapidly evolving balance of power equations, the India–Japan strategic relationship could be a significant game changer. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The emergence of the Indian Navy (IN) in recent years as an indispensable tool of Indian diplomacy, has made it imperative for Indian policy-makers and naval thinkers to think anew its role in Indian strategy. There is a long tradition in India of viewing the Indian Ocean as a national backyard and, therefore, advocating a greater role for Delhi in underwriting the security and stability of the Indian Ocean Region. India's economic rise should prompt Indian strategic thinkers to bring that focus back and make the IN integral to Indian grand strategy. While China remains a significant concern, the bigger problem remains one of introducing organisational changes and doctrinal evolution. The author has brought out how management of these issues will be significant not only for the IN's future but also for the rise of India as a credible global military power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the strategic policy-making in India. It is stated that in the midst of the current brouhaha, India need to retain clarity on one issue. It is also stated that the Service Chiefs must dedicate their time for dealing with operational as well as administrative issues of their own service.

The article discusses the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and its prospects for security cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). It says that IONS is a significant international maritime security initiative taken up by Indian Navy. This effort symbolizes the proactive role India wants to play in the Indian Ocean. However, the author observes that the path of IONS won't be easy since geographical dispersion, political and cultural sensitivities can derail its efforts. Moreover, IONS would be successful only if it manages to secure participation of all the littorals of IOR. Much of its success also depends upon how China view the organization due to its Indian origin, the author informs.

The article analyzes the implications of climate change for the Indian Navy. It says that the concept of maritime security has been changed and can also be thought of as the safety of life and assets at sea. In this light, maritime security can broadly defined as the India's interest in the sea, which is why climate change has become a crucial threat which Indian maritime security must deal with. The author observes that climate change is a threat multiplier and has the potential to wear down a nation's socio-economic foundations and state institutions making it unstable. Its impact on India's maritime security will be substantial since its neighborhood is among the most vulnerable in the world. The opines that Indian Navy planners need to take serious note of the situation.

The article introduces the Winter 2009 issue of the "Maritime Affairs," magazine including lectures by India's Chief of Naval Staff Sureesh Mehta and another by India's Admiral Sureesh Mehta on maritime cum strategic issues.