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Recognition memory is thought to involve two bases: familiarity (a sense that something was encountered previously) and recollection (retrieval of specifics or context). The present study investigated the hypothesis that a sensation of familiarity during cued-recall failure might increase illusory recollective experience. This hypothesis was driven, in part, by the suggestion in the literature that the type of familiarity-driven recollective confabulation often seen in populations experiencing memory impairment might actually be a common feature of normal human memory. We examined the hypothesis that as perceived cue familiarity increases during the uncertainty of target retrieval failure, so does illusory recollection of a contextual detail. Toward this end, we systematically varied the amount of cue-to-target(s) surface feature-overlap in the recognition without cued recall paradigm, which has been shown to increase perceived cue familiarity during target recall failure. Increasing perceived cue familiarity during target retrieval failure led to increased confidence in knowing a contextual detail that was not actually known. As perceived cue familiarity increased, so did erroneous confidence in knowing the arrow direction (left or right) that supposedly accompanied the unretrieved target (Experiment 1), the background color (Experiment 2), and whether an accompanying tone was high or low (Experiment 3).

In the present study we explored the postlearning changes in a novel word's definition using a cue-induced memory reactivation. Native speakers of Spanish (N = 373) learned low-frequency words with their corresponding definitions. The following day, reactivated groups were exposed to a reminder and provided a subjective assessment of reactivation for each word, while control groups did not receive a reactivation. Study A demonstrated that memory reactivation enhances both explicit recall and semantic integration of new meanings. Study B investigated the effect of memory reactivation in the modification of the new meanings, through three different experiments. Results show an improvement of the updated definitions according to each word's reactivation strength. In addition, congruence with previous knowledge was suggested to be a boundary condition, while consolidation time had a positive modulatory effect. Our findings call attention to reactivation as a factor allowing for malleability as well as persistence of long-term memories for words.

Self-generated memory cues support recall of target information more robustly than memory cues generated by others. Across two experiments, we tested whether the benefit of self-generated cues in part reflects a meta-mnemonic effect rather than a pure generation effect. In other words, can learners select better memory cues for themselves than others can? Participants generated as many possible memory cues for each to-be-remembered target as they could and then selected the cue they thought would be most effective. Self-selected memory cues elicited better cued recall than cues the generator did not select and cues selected by observers. Critically, this effect cannot be attributed to the process of generating a cue itself because all of the cues were self-generated. Further analysis indicated that differences in cue selection arise because generators and observers valued different cue characteristics; specifically, observers valued the commonality of the cue more than the generators, while generators valued the distinctiveness of a cue more than observers. Together, results suggest that self-generated cues are effective at supporting memory, in part, because learners select cues that are tailored to their specific memory needs.

The current study leveraged experimental and individual differences methodology to examine whether false memories across different list-learning tasks arise from a common cause. Participants completed multiple false memory (associative and conjunction lure), working memory (operation and reading span), and source monitoring (verbal and picture) tasks. Memory discriminability in the associative and conjunction tasks loaded onto a single (general) factor and were unaffected by warnings provided at encoding. Consistent with previous research, source-monitoring ability fully mediated the relation between working memory and false memories. Moreover, individuals with higher source monitoring-ability were better able to recall contextual information from encoding to correctly reject lures. These results suggest that there are stable individual differences in false remembering across tasks. The commonality across tasks may be due, at least in part, to the ability to effectively use disqualifying monitoring processes.

Self-knowledge is a type of personal semantic knowledge that concerns one’s self-image and personal identity. It has most often been operationalized as the summary of one’s personality traits (“I am a stubborn person”). Interestingly, recent studies have revealed that the neural correlates of self-knowledge can be dissociated from those of general semantic and episodic memory in young adults. However, studies of “dedifferentiation” or loss of distinctiveness of neural representations in ageing suggest that the neural correlates of self-knowledge might be less distinct from those of semantic and episodic memory in older adults. We investigated this question in an event-related potential (ERP) study with 28 young and 26 older adults while they categorised personality traits for their self-relevance (self-knowledge conditions), and their relevance to certain groups of people (general semantic condition). Participants then performed a recognition test for previously seen traits (episodic condition). The amplitude of the late positive component (LPC), associated with episodic recollection processes, differentiated the self-knowledge, general semantic, and episodic conditions in young adults, but not in older adults. However, in older adults, participants with higher composite episodic memory scores had more differentiated LPC amplitudes across experimental conditions. Moreover, consistent with the fact that age-related neural dedifferentiation may be material and region specific, in both age groups some differences between memory types were observed for the N400 component, associated with semantic processing. Taken together, these findings suggest that declarative memory subtypes are less distinct in ageing, but that the amount of differentiation varies with episodic memory function.

The duplex-mechanism account of auditory distraction has been extended to predict that people should have metacognitive awareness of the disruptive effect of auditory deviants on cognitive performance but little to no such awareness of the disruptive effect of changing-state relative to steady-state auditory distractors. To test this prediction, we assessed different types of metacognitive judgments about the disruptive effects of auditory-deviant, changing-state, and steady-state distractor sequences on serial recall. In a questionnaire, participants read about an irrelevant-speech experiment and were asked to provide metacognitive beliefs about how serial-recall performance would be affected by the different types of distractors. Another sample of participants heard the auditory distractors before predicting how their own serial-recall performance would suffer or benefit from the distractors. After participants had experienced the disruptive effects of the distractor sequences first hand, they were asked to make episodic retrospective judgments about how they thought the distractor sequences had affected their performance. The results consistently show that people are, on average, well aware of the greater disruptive effect of deviant and changing-state relative to steady-state distractors. Irrespective of condition, prospective and retrospective judgments of distraction were poor predictors of the individual susceptibility to distraction. These findings suggest that phenomena of auditory distraction cannot be categorized in two separate classes based on metacognitive awareness.

Serial position effects involve the differential recall of information based on its temporal order at encoding. Previous research indicates that learners may be aware of these effects under certain encoding conditions, but it is unclear whether metacognitive control is sensitive to serial position effects. The current study examined whether there are serial position effects in participants’ study time and whether they can learn about serial position effects under fixed encoding conditions and then transfer what they have learned to self-paced study conditions. Specifically, participants were given lists of to-be-remembered words and studied each word for a fixed duration on initial lists, but self-paced their study time on later lists. Results revealed that self-paced study times oppositely mirrored serial position effects (i.e., briefer study times in the beginning and end of each list), and serial position effects were reduced in self-paced study conditions, particularly in participants initially studying under fixed conditions before self-pacing their study time. Specifically, participants may have monitored their output and, based on observations of forgetting middle items, transferred their learning of serial position effects from prior lists. Thus, participants may use forgetting and serial position information to guide encoding, indicating that fundamental properties of the memory system can be incorporated into the processes that guide metacognitive control.

Chess experts have repeatedly demonstrated exceptional recall of chessboards, which is weakened by disruption of the chessboard. However, chess experts still perform better than novices when recalling such disrupted chessboards, suggesting a somewhat generalized expertise effect. In the current study, we examined the extent of this generalized expertise effect on early processing of visuo-spatial working memory (VSWM), by comparing 14 chess experts (Elo rating > 2000) and 15 novices on a change-detection paradigm using disrupted chessboards, where attention had to be selectively deployed to either visual or spatial features, or divided across both features. The paradigm differed in the stimuli used (domain-specific chess pieces vs. novel visual shapes) to evaluate domain-general effects of chess expertise. Both experts and novices had greater memory discriminability for chess stimuli than for the unfamiliar stimuli, suggesting a salience advantage for familiar stimuli. Experts, however, demonstrated better memory discriminability than novices not only for chess stimuli presented on these disrupted chessboards, but also for novel, domain-general stimuli, particularly when detecting spatial changes. This expertise advantage was greater for chessboards with supra-capacity set sizes. For set sizes within the working-memory capacity, the expertise advantage was driven by enhanced selective attention to spatial features by chess experts when compared to visual features. However, any expertise-related VSWM advantage disappeared in the absence of the 8 × 8 chessboard display, which implicates the chessboard display as an essential perceptual aspect facilitating the “expert memory effect” in chess, albeit one that might generalize beyond strictly domain-relevant stimuli.

Previous evidence demonstrated that individuals can recall a target's location in a search display even if location information is completely task-irrelevant. This finding raises the question: does this ability to automatically encode a single item's location into a reportable memory trace extend to other aspects of spatial information as well? We tested this question using a paradigm designed to elicit attribute amnesia (Chen & Wyble, Psychological Science, 26(2) 203-210, 2015a). Participants were initially asked to report the location of a target letter among digits with stimuli arranged to form one of two or four spatial configurations varying randomly across trials. After completing numerous trials that matched their expectations, participants were surprised with a series of unexpected questions probing their memory for various aspects of the display they had just viewed. Participants had a profound inability to report which spatial configuration they had just perceived when the target's location was not unique to a specific configuration (i.e., orthogonal). Despite being unable to report the most recent configuration, answer choices on the surprise trial were focused around previously seen configurations, rather than novel configurations. Thus, there were clear memories of the set of configurations that had been viewed during the experiment but not of the specific configuration from the most recent trial. This finding helps to set boundary conditions on previous findings regarding the automatic encoding of location information into memory.

Recently, researchers have identified word animacy as a strong predictor of recall. In contrast, the method of loci is an ancient mnemonic technique which takes advantage of highly structured encoding and recall processes alongside a strong imagery component to create easily remembered “memory palaces.” The present experiments examine the combined effectiveness of these techniques: Experiment 1 (N = 154) demonstrates that the method of loci and word animacy have additive effects, while Experiment 2 (N = 200) demonstrates that the additive effect of animacy is likely related to both the animate nature of words themselves and animate imagery associated with them. These results have implications for hypotheses about the proximate mechanism of animacy effects (ruling out temporal order and imagery as explanations), implications regarding the nature of animacy (as being both static and dynamic), and practical implications for memory athletes and educational settings alike: The method of loci and use of animate imagery can be taught easily, and they produce high levels of recall.

Accessing semantic information has negative consequences for successive recovering attempts of similar information. For instance, in the course of picture-naming tasks, the time required to name an object is determined by the total number of items from the same category that have already been named; naming latencies increase proportionally to the total number of semantically related words named previously. This phenomenon is called cumulative semantic cost (or interference). Two picture-naming experiments with children (4–11 years old, 229 participants) investigate whether having successfully named the previous within-category items is a necessary condition for the cumulative semantic cost to appear. We anticipated that younger children would have a larger rate of nonresponses compared with older children, reflecting the fact that younger children have not yet consolidated many lexical representations. Our results confirmed this prediction. Critically, we also observed that cumulative semantic cost was independent of having successfully retrieved previous within-category lexical items. Furthermore, picture trials for which the previous within-category item elicited a nonresponse showed the same amount of cost as those picture trials for which the previous within-category item elicited a correct naming event. Our findings indicate that it is the attempt to retrieve a lexical unit, and not the successful retrieval of a specific lexical unit, that causes semantic cost in picture naming. This cost can be explained by a mechanism of weakening the semantic-to-lexical mappings of semantic coordinate words. The findings are also discussed in the context of retrieval-induced forgetting effects in memory recall research.

People recall and recognize animate words better than inanimate words, perhaps because memory systems were shaped by evolution to prioritize memory for predators, people, and food sources. Attentional paradigms show an animacy advantage that suggests that the animacy advantage in memory stems from a prioritization of animate items when allocating attentional resources during encoding. According to the attentional prioritization hypothesis, the animacy effect should be even larger when attention is divided during encoding. Alternatively, the animacy effect could be due to more controlled processing during encoding, and so should be reduced when attention is divided during encoding. We tested the attentional prioritization hypothesis and the controlled processing hypothesis by manipulating attention during encoding in free recall (Experiment 1) and recognition (Experiment 2) but failed to find interactions between word type and attentional load in either free recall or recognition, contrary to the predictions from both hypotheses. We then tested whether the semantic representations of animate and inanimate items differ in terms of number of semantic features, using existing recall data from an item-level megastudy by Lau, Goh, and Yap (Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 71 (10), 2207-2222, 2018). Animate items have more semantic features, which partially mediated the relationship between animacy status and recall.

Recent evidence suggests that some simulations of future events are encoded in memory and later recalled as "memories of the future," but the factors that determine the memorability of future simulations remain poorly understood. The current research aimed to test the hypothesis that imagined future events are better memorized when they are integrated in autobiographical knowledge structures. Across two experiments, we found that future events that involved the self were better recalled than future events that involved an acquaintance (Experiment 1), and that future events that were related to personal goals were better recalled than future events that were unrelated to goals (Experiment 2). Although self-reference and personal goals influenced the phenomenological characteristics of future simulations (e.g., their vividness and the clarity of event components), the enhanced recall of self-relevant and goal-relevant simulations was not simply due to these differences in the characteristics of simulations. Taken together, these findings suggest that the integration of simulated events with preexisting autobiographical knowledge is an important determinant of memories of the future.

Age of acquisition (AoA) refers to the age at which a person learns a word. Research has converged on the conclusion that early AoA words are processed more efficiently than late AoA words on a number of perceptual and reading tasks. However, only a few studies have investigated whether AoA affects memory on recognition, serial recall, and free recall tests, and the results are equivocal. We took advantage of the recent increase in the number of high-quality norms and databases to construct a pool of early and late AoA words that were equated on numerous other dimensions. There was a late AoA advantage in recognition using both pure (Experiment 1) and mixed (Experiment 2) lists, no effect of AoA on serial recall of either pure (Experiment 3) or mixed (Experiment 4) lists, and no effect of AoA on free recall of either pure (Experiment 5) or mixed lists (Experiment 6). We conclude that AoA does reliably affect memory on some memory tasks (recognition), but not others (serial recall, free recall), and that no current account of AoA can explain the findings.

Beyond conveying objective content about objects and actions, what can co-speech iconic gestures reveal about a speaker’s subjective relationship to that content? The present study explores this question by investigating how gesture viewpoints can inform a listener’s construal of a speaker’s agency. Forty native English speakers watched videos of an actor uttering sentences with different viewpoints—that of low agency or high agency—conveyed through both speech and gesture. Participants were asked to (1) rate the speaker’s responsibility for the action described in each video (encoding task) and (2) complete a surprise memory test of the spoken sentences (recall task). For the encoding task, participants rated responsibility near ceiling when agency in speech was high, with a slight dip when accompanied by gestures of low agency. When agency in speech was low, responsibility ratings were raised markedly when accompanied by gestures of high agency. In the recall task, participants produced more incorrect recall of spoken agency when the viewpoints expressed through speech and gesture were inconsistent with one another. Our findings suggest that, beyond conveying objective content, co-speech iconic gestures can also guide listeners in gauging a speaker’s agentic relationship to actions and events.

People generate reminders in a variety of ways (e.g. putting items in special places or creating to-do lists) to support their memories. Successful remindings can result in retroactive facilitation of earlier information; in contrast, failures to remind can produce interference between memory for related information. Here, we compared the efficacy of different kinds of reminders, including participant’s self-generated reminders, reminders created by prior participants, and normatively associated reminders. Self-generated reminders boosted memory for the earlier target words more than normatively associated reminders in recall tests. Reminders generated by others enhanced memory as much as self-generated reminders when we controlled output order during recall. The results suggest that self-generated reminders boost memory for earlier studied information because they distinctly point towards the target information.

Contains fulltext : 230590.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) Accessing the contents of visual short-term memory (VSTM) is compromised by information bottlenecks and visual interference between memorization and recall. Retro-cues, displayed after the offset of a memory stimulus and prior to the onset of a probe stimulus, indicate the test item and improve performance in VSTM tasks. It has been proposed that retro-cues aid recall by transferring information from a high-capacity memory store into visual working memory (multiple-store hypothesis). Alternatively, retro-cues could aid recall by redistributing memory resources within the same (low-capacity) working memory store (single-store hypothesis). If retro-cues provide access to a memory store with a capacity exceeding the set size, then, given sufficient training in the use of the retro-cue, near-ceiling performance should be observed. To test this prediction, 10 observers each performed 12 hours across 8 sessions in a retro-cue change-detection task (40,000+ trials total). The results provided clear support for the single-store hypothesis: retro-cue benefits (difference between a condition with and without retro-cues) emerged after a few hundred trials and then remained constant throughout the testing sessions, consistently improving performance by two items, rather than reaching ceiling performance. Surprisingly, we also observed a general increase in performance throughout the experiment in conditions with and without retro-cues, calling into question the generalizability of change-detection tasks in assessing working memory capacity as a stable trait of an observer (data and materials are available at osf.io/9xr82 and github.com/paulzerr/retrocues). In summary, the present findings suggest that retro-cues increase capacity estimates by redistributing memory resources across memoranda within a low-capacity working memory store. 14 p.

Many photographs of real-life scenes are very consistently remembered or forgotten by most people, making these images intrinsically memorable or forgettable. Although machine vision algorithms can predict a given image’s memorability very well, nothing is known about the subjective quality of these memories: are memorable images recognized based on strong feelings of familiarity or on recollection of episodic details? We tested people’s recognition memory for memorable and forgettable scenes selected from image memorability databases, which contain memorability scores for each image, based on large-scale recognition memory experiments. Specifically, we tested the effect of intrinsic memorability on recollection and familiarity using cognitive computational models based on receiver operating characteristics (ROCs; Experiment 1 and 2) and on remember/know (R/K) judgments (Experiment 2). The ROC data of Experiment 2 indicated that image memorability boosted memory strength, but did not find a specific effect on recollection or familiarity. By contrast, ROC data from Experiment 2, which was designed to facilitate encoding and, in turn, recollection, found evidence for a specific effect of image memorability on recollection. Moreover, R/K judgments showed that, on average, memorability boosts recollection rather than familiarity. However, we also found a large degree of variability in these judgments across individual images: some images actually achieved high recognition rates by exclusively boosting familiarity rather than recollection. Together, these results show that current machine vision algorithms that can predict an image’s intrinsic memorability in terms of hit rates fall short of describing the subjective quality of human memories.

In two experiments on self-regulated learning, participants studied word pairs, made judgments of learning (JOLs), and decided whether to continue practicing after a long or short spacing interval prior to a final cued-recall test. When practice involved restudying, learners preferred a long spacing interval. However, when retrieval practice was involved, learners preferred a short spacing interval for items with low and medium JOLs and a long interval for high-JOL items, regardless of whether retrieval practice was followed by feedback or not. Taking retrieval practice after a short rather than a long spacing interval was efficacious when no feedback followed practice tests, leading to superior recall. Given that retrieval practice was successful, a long spacing interval led to better recall than a short one, but learners were insufficiently accurate in determining which items should be given a long spacing interval for this strategy to be effective. Presenting feedback after retrieval practice did not alter learners’ spacing strategy, and the frequent selection of short spacing intervals impaired subsequent recall.

In this study, we tested elements of the multi-process retrieval account of autobiographical memory, retrieval multiplicity, and retrieval selectivity. The retrieval multiplicity states that multiple different retrieval strategies are used to recall autobiographical memories, while the retrieval selectivity states that such retrieval strategies will vary in accord with the cuing environment. We tested these hypotheses across two experiments with the retrieve-aloud procedure. In the retrieve-aloud procedure, participants were required to verbalize their thoughts while attempting to retrieve personal memories in response to phrase cues (e.g., listening to music). Experiments 1 and 2 found support for the retrieval multiplicity by showing that participants used a variety of different retrieval processes (eight different processes in total), while Experiment 1 found support for the retrieval selectivity by showing that retrieval strategies varied across different cue types. The implications of the findings are discussed with respect to autobiographical memory, as well as semantic memory.

When lists are presented with temporal pauses between groups of items, participants' response times reiterate those pauses. Accuracy is also increased, especially at particular serial positions. By comparing forward with backward serial recall, we tested whether the influence of temporal grouping is primarily a function of serial position or output position. Results favored the latter, both when recall direction was known to participants prior to (Experiment 2) or only after (Experiment 2) studying each list. Alongside fits of variants of a temporal distinctiveness-based model, our findings suggest that the influence of temporal grouping is not just a consequence of grouping information stored during the study phase. Rather, it critically depends on participants cueing with within-chunk position during recall, combined with response suppression.

Personal names are particularly susceptible to retrieval failures. Studies describing people's spontaneous strategies for resolving such failures have indicated that people frequently search for semantic or contextual information about the target person. However, previous experimental studies have shown that, while providing phonological information may help resolve a name-recall failure, by contrast, providing semantic information is usually not helpful. In the first study, in order to reduce a bias present in previous studies of spontaneous strategies, explicit instructions were given to participants, specifying that the focus of the study was on a voluntary search for information. Participants reported strategically searching for semantic/contextual strategies when they tried to resolve a name-retrieval failure more often than they reported searching for phonological/orthographic information. In addition, phonological/orthographic strategies were perceived as more difficult than semantic/contextual strategies. In a second experiment, we investigated whether retrieving phonological information by oneself is objectively difficult in a face-naming task: in the event of retrieval failure, participants were instructed to search for phonological information in some trials and for semantic information in other trials. Participants recalled semantic information in 94% of the trials when instructed to search for semantic information. By contrast, when instructed to search for phonological information, participants remained unable to recall any correct piece of phonological information in about 55% of the trials. This result shows that the retrieval of phonological information is objectively difficult. This difficulty could explain why people do not privilege searching for phonology to resolve name-retrieval failures.

For many years, the working/short-term memory literature has been dominated by the study of phonological codes. Consequently, insufficient attention has been devoted to visual codes. In the present study, we attempt to remedy the situation by exploring a critical aspect of modern models of working memory, namely the principle that responses do not depend primarily on what kinds of materials are presented, but on what kinds of codes are generated from those materials. More specifically, we used the visual similarity effect as a tool to ask whether there is a generation of visual codes when information is not presented visually. In two immediate serial recall experiments, we manipulated the visual similarity (similar words, dissimilar words), the presentation modality (visual presentation, auditory presentation), and concurrent articulation (none, concurrent articulation). We observed a visual similarity effect independent of presentation modality. Comparable results were observed with two different sets of stimuli and with or without concurrent articulation. Thus, for the first time, we demonstrate that, from acoustically presented word lists, visual codes in working/short-term memory are generated, producing a visual similarity effect. It is now clear that the encoding of visual or acoustic presentation to include the opposite type of representation is bidirectional.

Retrieval practice is generally considered to be one of the most effective long-term learning strategies and is presumed to be more favorable than repeated study. However, a few recent studies have demonstrated that repetitive feedback at final recall can reverse the long-term advantage of testing over restudy. The result that feedback at long-term tests can dramatically decrease the relative effectiveness of retrieval-based learning could be important for both theoretical and practical reasons. Considering that these earlier studies administered low retrieval success at retrieval practice, we investigated whether the effect of feedback on the testing effect is modulated by the level of retrieval success during practice. In three experiments the level of success at retrieval practice was manipulated by multiple pre-practice learning trials, and multiple tests with feedback were applied after a 1-week retention interval at final recall. Our results have demonstrated that a feedback-induced reversed testing effect was present only at low retrieval success during practice (Experiment 1), whereas with moderate (Experiment 2) and high retrieval success (Experiment 3) during practice a significant testing effect emerged and no reversed testing effect was found even after repeated cycles of feedback. These results point to the conclusion that the level of retrieval success was the key factor in reversing the testing effect in earlier studies. Application of high retrieval success during practice can produce long-lasting accessible memories even in learning settings applying multiple tests with feedback.

Changes in stimulus features across episodes can lead to proactive interference. One potential way to avoid such interference is to detect and later recollect changes. The Memory-for-Change framework assumes that attention during encoding is necessary for detecting and later recollecting change. We tested this assumption in the current experiment by assessing the covariation of attention and change recollection in a large undergraduate sample (N=132). Participants studied a list of word pairs comprised of four seamless blocks. Some word pairs repeated across all four blocks (A-B4), some were unique to each block (C-D), and some pairs repeated across the first three blocks with a changed response in the fourth block (A-B3, A-D). To measure attention during study, participants periodically responded to probes asking whether they were on- or off-task. Participants then completed a cued recall test of responses from the fourth study block. To measure change recollection, participants were asked to identify which pairs changed during study and to report the earlier responses for pairs they identified as changed. Replicating prior findings, recollecting change was associated with proactive facilitation in recall of the most recent responses. Extending these findings, the frequency of on-task reports was positively associated with cued recall accuracy and change recollection in both within- and between-subjects comparisons. Together, these findings implicate a critical role for self-reported attention during study in change recollection, which is associated with proactive facilitation in recall of changed responses.