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An analysis of the events following the Oct 1993 military assaults reveals that Yeltsin's reluctance to use the army to quell the rebellion was probably due to his apprehension over criticism from Western powers. Yeltsin's issue of an ultimatum to the rebellious opposition is indicative of a drastic change in his strategy. Yerin's promotion to the rank of General and Grachev's maintenance of a low profile during the period has enhanced their popularity.

Pres Boris Yeltsin's political strategy to counter the resistance to the dissolution of Parliament has been denounced as baseless and autocratic. Critics believe that Russia's progress is hampered by non-professional politicians who have the authority to order the death of the country. They feel that a truly democratic country would have favored a peacefully negotiated settlement of disputes rather than the issue of an ultimatum.

Pres Yeltsin's delayed use of force to contain the Supreme Soviet's rebellion, forcing the White House to take the first violent measures, suggests a deliberate trap, for any use of force in response to violence initiated by the opposition would be condoned by the rest of the world. The inordinate length of time Yeltsin needed to convince the generals to use the army against the rebels even though the situation was already serious suggests that the trap may have been conceived by other powers to depose Yeltsin, Vice-President Rutskoi and speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov if Yeltsin were unable to handle the crisis.

Pres Yeltsin of Russia issued a Decree on the dissolution of parliament on Sep 21, 1993, but parliamentary members were reluctant to surrender. Legally, Yeltsin's imposition of the special rule of state was invalid as he lost the post of President at 00.20 hours on Sep 21 and did not sign the Decree until 14.00 hours that day. Yeltsin had the support of the people from the results in Apr 1993, but he should have tried negotiating further with the opposition and stressed to them the importance of holding both parliamentary and presidential elections at the earliest opportunity.

An anonymously authored memo, revolving around possible scenarios should presidential and government initiatives clash with those of Duma deputies, hinted at possible dissolution of the State Duma. The memo, which was probably authored by presidential staff, emphasized in the 'Tough' scenario that the Duma will be dissolved if it rejects all government proposals and if it votes no confidence in the government twice in a span of three months.

Russian oppositionists believe that Yeltsin's coup d'etat of the Supreme Soviet is a display of autocracy and plan to abstain from voting in the forthcoming elections. However, such an attitude cannot help resolve the crisis or prevent economic deterioration. They must accept the President's offer to discuss a new Constitution draft rather than force a dictatorship. The reluctance to acknowledge the draft constitution formulated by a particular branch of power probably stems from skepticism of the unbiased attitude of its authors.

Pres Boris Yeltsin's decree dissolving the Russian Federation parliament has effected the formation of a conference of federation subjects. Factions that opposed this move are now appealing for early elections for the Federation Council and their own states. The governments of the Tambov, Kemerovo, Novosibirsk and Lipetsk regions have vociferously objected to the President's Sep 21, 1993, decree demanding the dissolution of the Federation.

Pres Boris Yeltsin's decree dissolving the Russian parliament is unconstitutional and unjustifiable, because democracy in Russia was just beginning to be strengthened. The decree pushes the country back to the days of totalitarian rule and the president should attempt to remedy the situation by holding the presidential and parliamentary elections, simultaneously.

The conflict between the hardliners representing the old communist vanguard and the reformists represented by Pres Boris Yeltsin precipitated in the crisis that resulted in the dissolution of the Parliament. The president ought to abide by the constitution, but the president's decree dissolving the parliament is not wrong as the constitution is a legacy of the old communist regime which negates several democratic ideals.