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This paper investigates the properties of syntactic edges, with special attention being paid to two central issues in cyclic syntax: the domain and the nature of cyclicity. This paper argues for the premise that predication domains form a Spell-out domain, and that Spell-out results in order preservation of the predication domain. It is shown that elements externally merged at the edge of a predication domain observe a special ordering restriction, the Edge Generalization. The ordering restriction is explained by the interaction of two premises of cyclic syntax, coupled with a theory of probe-goal Search. Empirical evidence for the proposal comes from various sub-extraction phenomena out of edges of predication domains in Korean and Japanese. In particular, the interactions between floating numeral quantifier constructions and (primary and secondary) predication constructions are closely examined. The current proposal poses some interesting challenges to the proposition-based-phase system: it argues against the claim that only strong phases undergo Spell-out, and that edges are spelled out separately from the complement. The proposal also has some implications for the structure and typology of resultative and depictive predicates, and for the finer-grained structure of VP including aspectual adverbs and small clause complements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper a novel approach to (a subpart of) the null subject parameter is proposed, in which the interpretation of a thematic pro in subject position is crucially dependent on the syntax and discourse properties of Topic constituents. Based on the analysis of spoken corpora and interface considerations, evidence is provided that preverbal ‘subjects’ sit in an A’-position in a null subject language like Italian and that the interpretation of referential null subjects depends on a matching relation (Agree) with a specific type of Topic. In a cartographic approach to discourse functions, this is identified with the Aboutness-shift Topic (Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl 2007) that is merged in the C-domain and is endowed with the edge feature [榺⺶瞬] – an ‘extended EPP feature’. A Topic Criterion is thus proposed that correlates core grammar with discourse requirements and accounts for the syntactic identification of a referential pro. The Avoid Pronoun Principle is reinterpreted as a structural condition that implies the existence of silent Topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes and analyzes an unnoticed Spanish construction that includes a measure phrase and a non-comparative adjective conforming to an [MP+ de+A] pattern (e.g., Esta mesa tiene [ un metro de ancha] '(lit.) this table has one meter of wide'). It is proposed that underlying Spanish [MP+ de+A] there is a reverse (predicate-specifier) structure with an attributive interpretation (cf. Den Dikken ), in which the MP predicates over the adjective's degree argument, and the adjective acts as a restrictor of the MP's denotation. Making use of a Project Both labeling algorithm for external merge of maximal projections (cf. Chomsky , Citko ), it is further argued that the MP/QP also projects in this construction. This accounts for the fact that [MP+ de+A] has the interpretation and distribution of a QP as a whole. Finally, the properties of Spanish [MP+ de+A] are compared with those of closely related constructions in Spanish, as well as with the properties of standard constructions containing an MP and a bare adjective in other languages, and an analysis within Den Dikken's () theory of predicational relationships is provided that accounts for the similarities and differences between all these patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous languages permit an NP that is not selected by the verb to be added to a clause, with several different possible interpretations. We divide such non-selected arguments into possessor, benefactive, attitude holder, and affected experiencer categories, on the basis of syntactic and semantic differences between them. We propose a formal analysis of the affected experiencer construction. In our account, a syntactic head Aff(ect) introduces the experiencer argument, and adds a conventional implicature to the effect that any event of the type denoted by its syntactic sister is the source of the experiencer's psychological experience. Hence, our proposal involves two tiers of meaning: the at-issue meaning of the sentence, and some not-at-issue meaning (an implicature). A syntactic head can introduce material on both tiers. Additionally, we allow two parameters of variation: (i) the height of the attachment of Aff, and (ii) how much of the semantics is at-issue and how much is an implicature. We show that these two parameters account for the attested variation across our sample of languages, as well as the significant commonalities among them. Our analysis also accounts for significant differences between affected experiencers and the other types of non-selected arguments, and we also note a generalization to the effect that purely not-at-issue non-selected arguments can only be weak or clitic pronouns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]