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Focuses on the decision of the United States Supreme Court that struck down a Texas law on the argument that it violated a right to equal protection by allowing heterosexual, but not homosexual, sodomy. How other Supreme Court cases influenced the Lawrence v. Texas ruling; Opinion of Justice Anthony Kennedy; Idea that to violate the equal protection clause and be unconstitutional, the laws have to have a discriminatory purpose; Discussion of judicial restraint concerning sexual freedom, the change in public attitude about homosexual relations, and the implications for gay marriage.

In the next two weeks, the Supreme Court will rule, in Lawrence v. Texas, on the constitutionality of Texas's law criminalizing consensual homosexual sodomy. The case involves the arrests and convictions of John Lawrence and Tyron Garner, who were discovered having sex in Lawrence's bedroom when police responded to a false report by a neighbor that a man was "going crazy" in the apartment. If, as anticipated, the Supremes overturn the Texas law, their ruling would invalidate four anti-sodomy laws punishing same-sex behavior, or 13 such laws outlawing same-and opposite-sex behavior, depending on the grounds on which they rule. Sodomy laws loom large in family-law matters and especially in custody and visitation cases. They are frequently invoked to paint gay parents as criminals who cannot provide good homes for children, even in cases where the evidence is clear that the child prefers--or is safer--living with the gay parent. Sodomy laws have also been invoked in employment-discrimination cases. Should the Supreme Court overturn Texas's sodomy law, it will provide protection not only for the unlucky few who find themselves prosecuted for consensual sex but for the many more who face legal discrimination justified by such laws.

Examines whether U.S. courts are competent to resolve the legal status of homosexuals in any kind of a principled way with emphasis on a court case regarding anti-gay rights amendments in Colorado. Argument in Colorado over its citizen's interest in treating homosexuals differently than heterosexuals; Legal theories for why laws against homosexuals should be rigorously reviewed by the courts including the suspect class theory, the political participation theory and the sex determination theory; Recognition of six suspect classes under the Constitution by the Supreme Court.

In its extraordinary decision in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health last month, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled that a prohibition on same-sex marriage violates the Massachusetts constitution. While the court drew some support from federal precedents, its decision was plainly grounded in previous interpretations of the state constitution and its distinctive guarantees of equality and liberty. The U.S. Constitution was not involved; it was state--not federal--law that formed the basis for this ruling. We should therefore celebrate Goodridge, not only because it ends a form of second-class citizenship for gays and lesbians but also because it exemplifies the federal system at its best. The Massachusetts court's most important conclusion in Goodridge was that the state had failed to produce a "rational basis" for its refusal to allow same-sex couples to marry. And, to be sure, it would be preferable if gay marriage had been ratified by the Massachusetts legislature rather than the state supreme court. The reasonableness of the Massachusetts court's decision does not, however, mean the U.S. Supreme Court should follow suit now or in the near future. Quite the contrary. At the national level, judges ought to show caution in ruling on gay rights. An attempt by the U.S. Supreme Court to settle the same-sex marriage debate at this time would be disastrous, undoubtedly causing a heated public backlash and endangering the cause of gay rights itself. In any case, Congress foresaw the ramifications of a Goodridge-like ruling in 1997 when it passed the federal Defense of Marriage Act, which expressly authorizes states to refuse to recognize same-sex marriages even if they are valid in the state where they were performed.

Presents a perspective on the status of the gay rights movement in the U.S. Information that the current gay rights movement dates to the Stonewall incident of 1969, when gays at a Greenwich Village bar physically retaliated against police harassment; Impact of the presidential election of Ronald Reagan on the movement; Consequences of the division within the gay movement; Measures taken by gay people to counter mainstream indifference.

Defends the narrow interpretation of a plebiscite-ratified amendment to the Colorado constitution which affirms that the state will not provide protected status to citizens based on sexual orientation. Discussion on cases dealing with the issue of homosexual rights; Discussion on the ruling of the Colorado Supreme Court declaring the amendment unconstitutional; Distinction between equal rights from special rights.

The article presents the author's views on laws concerning the protection of rights of homosexuals in the U.S. These laws were the ordinances that protect gays from job discrimination, housing and public accommodations. African Americans and women have experienced discrimination as of many minorities. But the attack on the legislation is no more mysterious than the legislation itself. Homosexuals are invisible in terms of the rights which are supposedly protected in various statutes. Gays sought legal visibility in terms of their roles in society.

Excerpts are presented from numerous articles that have appeared in "The New Republic" on the subject of gay marriage including "Here Comes the Groom" by Andrew Sullivan in the August 28, 1989 issue, "Wedding Bell Blues" by Richard A. Posner in the December 22, 2003, issue, and "No Gays Left Behind" by Nathaniel Frank in the June 28, 2013, issue.

Discusses the ruling of the United States Supreme Court in the Lawrence v. Texas sodomy case. Reasons that the author wanted the anti-sodomy law struck down on the narrowest grounds; Argument of Jeffrey Rosen for equal protection to prevent discriminatory laws and to allow states to individually legislate on sexual freedom; Outlook for morals legislation in regard to consensual sexual activity; How the Lawrence decision compares to the Roe and Griswold rulings.

Comments on the U.S. courts' failure to exercise their constitutional responsibility to protect gays in the U.S. military. Decisions of the courts that have approved the "don't ask, don't tell" policy on gays in the military; Comment on the policy's violation of free speech and equal protection clauses in the constitution; Role of civilian authorities in control of the unelected military; Findings of the independent watchdog group Legal Defense Network.

Explains that the proposed Hate Crimes Prevention Act in the U.S. Congress is not the right solution to the problem of hate crimes directed at gays and other minorities. Public outrage over the murder of Matthew Shepard, a gay student at the University of Wyoming; Stand of U.S. President Bill Clinton on the hate crime law; Provisions and implications of the proposed hate crime law; Inconsistency of President Clinton on issues concerning gays.

Advises U.S. President Bill Clinton to protect gays in the military by prosecuting commanders found guilty of asking, pursuing or harassing gay service members. Claim that the Clinton government is implementing a policy of persecuting gay service members; Number of people being thrown out of the military for sexual orientation; Percentage of women service members discharged from service.

Argues that the debate on same-sex marriage in the U.S. should focus on giving the same rights and responsibilities to citizens and not on argument on polygamy and adultery. Examination of the merit of the notion that accepting same-sex marriage is the same as sanctioning polygamy; Difference between polygamous and homosexual impulses; Rejection of the assertion that any change in marriage opens up the possibility of any conceivable change in marriage; Views of homosexuals and heterosexuals towards the institution of marriage.

Looks at the social and legal status of gays in Russia as of January 2, 1995. Attitude of Russians toward homosexuality; Information on gay organizations in Saint Petersburg, Russia; Sexual behavior of Russian gays; Community activities of gay groups in the country; Importance of sex education campaign to gay groups; Extent of the problem of HIV infection in the country; Support of legislators to a law for a mandatory national HIV testing.

Focuses on the resistance to letting lesbians and gay men in the U.S. military services as acknowledgement of homosexuals in the military is crippling to military effectiveness and morale. Existence of openly gay soldiers threatens the pattern of heterosexual machismo on which an integral part of military self-esteem rests; Difficulty to exclude homosexuals psychologically from the core of the military's identity; Need to secure equal rights for homosexuals; Belief of President Bill Clinton for a possibility of an integrated country with the civil interaction of homosexuals and heterosexuals.

Focuses on the relationship of U.S. President Bill Clinton with the gay community. Access granted by Clinton's camp to gay journalist Mark Miller to cover the presidential campaign; Rift in gay politics between traditional groups and the radicals over issues related to ending the military ban, a gay civil right laws and recognition of gay families; Retention of the Washington public relations firm of Ogilvy, Adams & Rinehart by a group of gay and AIDS organizations to help gay activists land jobs in the Clinton administration; Clinton's stand on a proposed Oregon state measure that encourages anti-gay discrimination.

Offers a look at same-sex marriage laws in the United States. Report that the Massachusetts legislature voted to uphold the state's same-sex marriage law; Report that the California legislature voted to enact same-sex marriage; Praise for the political strategies of gay rights activists in California; Suggestion that public opinion in the U.S. on gay rights is moving toward full equality.

Presents an interview with White House spokesman for the President George W. Bush administration, Scott McClellan, regarding same-sex marriage laws. And so the president's position is that, if a state wants to decide through a majority vote that it will allow for same-sex marriages, the president wants to have the federal government smash that down and make sure that no state can decide that, right? The president is committed to moving forward with Congress on a constitutional amendment. If a state wanted to enact marriage rights for gay couples--by initiative, court decision, or legislative vote--the president's Federal Marriage Amendment would forbid it. Let Ohio prevent gay couples from having legal protections. But let California enact a sweeping civil-unions bill that brings gay couples very close to marriage rights. If gay activists push too far too fast now to mandate marriage rights across the entire country, they may well get a federal constitutional ban that will destroy gay rights for generations.

Offers observations on remarks made by United States Senator Rick Santorum on homosexuality and the notion that certain gay-related actions should be considered criminal. Santorum argued that it is impossible to draw a firm, moral distinction between homosexual relationships and bestiality or child abuse. There is no plausible inference from his comments except that the senator favors the criminalization of private, adult, consensual activity. In the current context, in which the Supreme Court is weighing an anti-sodomy law that targets gays but exempts heterosexuals from prosecution for the same acts, there is also no plausible evidence that he objects to that either. Indeed, neither he nor the president has said anything to distance himself from the position that private, gay sexual relationships should be crimes, and both men have had ample opportunity to do so. In fact, the president's only explicit comments on the discriminatory Texas law came when he was governor, and he endorsed it. Either the president wants to include gay people in the American family, or he wants to cozy up to people who would throw them in jail. He cannot want both. And it's long past time that he made up his mind.

Focuses on several socio-political issues related around the world. Insertion of anti-drug messages into network television programming by the U.S. government; Comments made by baseball team Atlanta Braves' pitcher John Rocker during a television interview; Decision of Great Britain to end the ban on recruitment of gays in the military; Increase in number of gay services in Canada after lifting ban on gays; Possibility for influence of gays in the U.S. in case the Democratic Party has won presidential elections in the country; Opinion about the services of America Online Inc.

Focuses on the political aspects of homosexuality in the U.S. Promotion of equal rights for gays; Constitutional right of privacy; Amendments in the constitutional right to equal protection of the law; Discrimination against homosexuals.

Comments on issues and events related to U.S. government and politics as of June 17, 1996. Opposition of the anti-poverty think thanks Center for Budget on Policy Priority and Center for Law and Social Policy to a Republican-sponsored proposal on social welfare; Similarity between affirmative action and Colorado's constitutional amendment on equal protection for homosexuals.

Comments on the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court to reverse a Colorado initiative which prohibits claims of discrimination on the basis of homosexual orientation. Opinion of Justice Anthony Kennedy on the implication of the Colorado initiative for the civil rights of gays and lesbians; Argument raised by Judge Scalia on the implication of the authority that a state to criminalize homosexual conduct for the enactment of laws disfavoring homosexual conduct.

Challenges U.S. President Bill Clinton to lift the ban on homosexuals in the armed forces through an executive order. Contention that the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell, Don't Pursue, Don't Harass" policy in the armed services is incapable of protecting homosexual service members from persecution and harassment; Statistics on the rate of discharge for reason of homosexuality in the military services; Policy violation cases in the military.

The article presents updates on U.S. politics and international affairs. Judge H. Jeffrey Bayless rejected Colorado's anti-gay rights amendment as a denial of the fundamental right of gays and lesbians to participate in the political process. The book "Cruelty and Silence: War, Tyranny, Uprising and the Arab World," by Kanan Makiya has been widely and favorably reviewed. Makiya borrowed ideas from Fouad Ajami. The entire second part of the book and its organizing theme, silence, came from Ajami.

Presents a letter to the editor referencing previously published article about legislation to ban gay men and lesbians in the military.

Reports that Bill Clinton, the U.S. President, has promised to end the ban on gays in the U.S. military on his victory in presidential elections. Arguments against abolition of the ban; Necessity to discuss about the issue of gay-straight relationship before abolition of the ban; Need for a programs to educate members of the U.S. military about gay-related issues; Presence of gays and lesbians in military organizations; Possibility of escalating sexual tension due to entry of gays in military; Achievements of gay members of the military; Opinion that gays also deserve the fundamental right to serve their country.

The article comments on several political and social issues in the U.S. in 1979. An observation on U.S. President Jimmy Carter is presented. His performances is also appraised. Gay rights rally has been held between Washington and New York in 1979. 50,000 marchers were miscounted during the rally. The U.S. Park Police has its own estimates of the number of marchers during the gay parade. Before the march, there were a lot of buttons and black t-shirts visible in the Georgetown shopping district.