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Focuses on efforts of television networks in the U.S. for increasing minority representation in their industry. Urge made by the networks to establish minority recruitment programs, add minority writing slots to successful shows, and do more business with minority suppliers; Discussion on root cause of segregated viewing of television; Changes that have taken place in the television industry through the advent of cable and television advertising.

Focuses on the issues presided by the U.S. Vice President Nelson Rockefeller in two meetings of presidential commission. Investigation of allegations of U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) misdoing; Emphasis on the need of minority employment; Hope of Rockefeller to make a contribution in presidential policy processes; Increase in the determination of Rockefeller to handle the problems in the country.

Focuses on the adoption of affirmative action programs in all sectors across the U.S. Position of the Supreme Court on the issue of discrimination and affirmative action; Local governments that fought to save their set-aside programs after the Court struck down the program of Richmond, Virginia; Legal requisites of affirmative action programs; Details of the affirmative action of the American Bar Association; Internal programs developed and implemented by companies; Racial sensitivity training programs for white male employees; Affirmative action in schools and universities.

Argues that although strong affirmative action in the U.S. in intrinsically undesirable, it is at present, and specifically with respect to blacks, a legitimate method of pursuing a goal so important to the national welfare that it can be justified as a temporary policy. Need for to restate the case for it as clearly as possible; Counter-arguments to the three objections to strong affirmative action.

Compares the affirmative action programs of United States President Bill Clinton and former President George Bush. Claims that racial and gender quotas in the White House are part of Bush's legacy; Efforts of Clinton to promote racial and gender diversity among government employees in his administration; Difference between the process of minority appointments of Bush and Clinton; Self-imposed diversity standards affecting the Clinton transition.

Focuses on apprehensions of American Jews regarding affirmative action and quotas. Attention of the Jewish community in opposing quotas rather than supporting affirmative action; Benefits to the Jews from merit system; Reasons for perceiving a threat by Jews in the readiness of the government to pay official attention to groupness; Information on self-interest, self-image and fundamental perceptions of equity.

If you watched U.S. President George W. Bush announce his opposition to the University of Michigan's affirmative action program, you probably came away with the impression that the president's position is a highly unpopular one. Bush's political body language was entirely defensive--from his speech to his legal reasoning to the calculated leak that African American foreign policy adviser Condoleezza Rice had helped shape his position. Bush's opposition to racial preferences, however, is anything but a fringe right-wing view. The paradox of Bush's cringing opposition to racial preferences is that, among all his contested stances, it is the one in which he is most closely in sync with public opinion and his critics most out of step. Critics of racial preferences insist that Republicans get in trouble on affirmative action because of their skittishness. Because Republicans are widely considered suspect on race all that comes across is that a conservative is attempting to dismantle civil rights laws.

Comments on the political debate over the issue of affirmative action in the U.S. in 1997. Reason behind the difficulty of defending affirmative action; Arguments for counting race as a factor in university admissions; Assumption underlying the diversity argument for affirmative action; Moral force of the diversity argument.

Comments on Santa Clara County's affirmative action plan with reference to the U.S. Supreme Court case of employee Paul Johnson who applied for the job of road dispatcher. Factors on which the affirmative action plan is based; Arbitrariness of bureaucratic selection processes; Statement that the justices freely allow court-imposed racial quotas as a remedy for past discrimination; Need for affirmative action plans to be temporary.

Contrasts the race-based hiring practices of organs of conservative press in the U.S. with the hostility against affirmative action and quota programs reflected in their editorials. Statement from "The Washington Times" acting human resources director John Martin on the paper's effort to reach out to minorities; Other conservative media outlets that have introduced affirmative action and diversity efforts; Affirmative action program practiced at "The Wall Street Journal."

The article discusses statements by Joseph Califano, the U.S. Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, concerning affirmative action programs in the United States. The author takes issue with Califano's support of affirmative action programs and states that neo-conservatism is a growing force in the United States because American "elites" are upset by affirmative action. The article cites a number of court cases involving affirmative action programs in higher education.

Focuses on the controversy over the "DeFunis v. Odegaard" case which highlights the affirmative action programs in the U.S. Facts of the case; Contention of the parties involved in the case; Reasons behind the incapacity of the Supreme Court to decide on the case; Impact of the affirmative action program on the employers; View that had DeFunis won, all efforts to escalate opportunities for the education and employment of minorities would have been jeopardized.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics discussed in previous issues. Economic instability faced by Western democracies, discussed in the article "Which Economists Have Flunked Out?," published in the October 3, 1970 issue; View that open housing has become an instrument for solving the minority employment issue in the United States, discussed in the article "Cracking the Suburbs," published in the September 5-12, 1970 issue; Views about black principals published in the September 26, 1970 issue.

Discusses the author's defense of affirmative action and ten percent plans. The procedural ideal of color-blindness; Discussion on the moral outcome of racial equality; Stewardship of multibillion-dollar state- funded educational philanthropies; Decline in educational standards for the sake of racial diversity; Maintenance of the legitimacy of public institutions by ensuring they serve all communities in the polity is prudent; Distinction between the procedural morality of color-blindness and the historical morality of racial justice.

Criticizes the administration of U.S. President Bill Clinton for its stand on affirmative action programs. Information on the plan unveiled by the Clinton administration for affirmative action programs in the areas of small business; Group of individuals presumed as socially disadvantaged; Court challenges facing affirmative action programs in the country.

Presents a letter to the editor commenting on an article on racial quotas in employment in the U.S. published in "The New Republic" periodical.

Considers a discrimination lawsuit filed by African American employees against senior executives of Texaco Inc. Move of journalist Kurt Eichenwald to feature the case in "The New York Times" news paper; Statement from Eichenwald that senior executives of Texaco Inc. had bantered among themselves in an August 1994 meeting, planning the destruction of documents crucial to the Federal discrimination lawsuit filed by African American employees; Details of a claim that Texaco executives Richard A. Lundwall and Robert Ulrich had been recorded uttering racial epithets.

Presents letters to the editor about ensuring full employment specially for the Negroes.