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The paper identifies the links between transnational municipal networks and international agreements in the environmental arena. It is taken for granted that transnational municipal networks support global environmental action and the process of sustainable development, in particular giving access to resources, with technical support and knowledge, but to what extent international agreements such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Paris Agreement, or the Convention on Biological Diversity guide the action of these networks? The research resorts to content analysis to examine the goals, mission, and published documents of two networks in particular, ICLEI and Mercosur, in the search for clear connections with the intergovernmental level. The paper contributes to the understanding of the role of transnational municipal networks in environmental governance, identifying through abductive reasoning the diffusion of norm from the international to the local level and underlining the importance of the role of international, national and local actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the study of Colombian foreign policy. Specifically, it applies foreign policy analysis (fpa) methods to the study of Colombian international politics and international relations. Embarking from the analytical framework of International Regimes, the work describes a specific approach to their study, and thereafter traces the process that preceded Colombia's accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (oecd). It analyzes how the decision to join the oecd is best understood as a foreign policy strategy on the part of the national government. The paper also offers a preliminary evaluation of the process of institutional adaptation accompanying oecd membership and its impact on Colombian society. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources related to the decision-making process carried out by both the national government and the oecd. Additionally, it uses a variety of other sources to illuminate a foreign policy strategy implemented in a complicated international context, one only made more difficult by the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this manner, the paper discusses the challenges and importance of oecd membership, including the delay of its formalization to the point of coinciding with the Covid-19 pandemic. Such unfortunate timing has likely contributed to the perception among many Colombians, of the fruitlessness of membership. While indeed complex and challenging, the paper seeks to present the situation of Colombian membership in more nuanced light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 21st century, an unprecedented theoretical change in perspective took place, and non-Western theoretical approaches began to be developed as an alternative to traditional theories of International Relations. In this way, some specialists began to debate about the emergence and consolidation of a "Chinese School of International Relations", based mostly on the Asian culture. The aim of this paper is to present the main streams of international studies in China, among which the reverse, obverse and interactive approaches stand out. Likewise, it is particularly intended to understand the conception of international cooperation of each of these approaches. In addition, it is intended to highlight the evolution of international studies in China and departs from the assumption that the production and changes of the axis of international studies follow the rise and geographical position of the great powers. In the Chinese case, they have been growing in parallel with its international prominence and the attainment of great power status. The theoretical framework proposed for this research takes as a starting point the so-called non-western theories, that is, all those theories that are not part of the mainstream of the Western International Relations Theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the approach to the colonial question at the United Nations, and its impact on African independence and the abolition of minority regimes on that continent, from the Organization's foundation in 1945 until the adoption of the Special Committee on Decolonization in 1961. The issue we intend to address is the role of the United Nations in the transformation of the post-war world, and especially in challenging colonialism. The problem we will focus on is how that body, founded by the victorious powers of World War II, became by the 1960s, a forum for discussion, coordination and implementation of policies that promoted the elimination of colonial empires and settler regimes in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing dispute between the United States of America and China finds a main area of competition around 5G, which will enable a substantial improvement in the capacity for vehicle auto-guidance, remote operations, robotics, artificial intelligence and other dual-use applications. While 5G is still emerging, the global shaping of the network infrastructure, regulations, patents and standards involves the Global South. It is an eminently global dispute for markets, but also for national security, which has gained a central place on the foreign policy agenda of most of the countries around the globe. In this context, the objective of this text is to analyze the emergent conditions of 5G in two of the main countries of the Global South, India and Brazil, within the dispute between the US and China. Through the contextualization of this dispute and its implications in India and Brazil, we seek to extract a series of preliminary reflections for other countries of the Global South. Thus, this paper contributes to a key area understanding the emergent conditions of a new phase of the mobile telecommunications paradigm developing two main cases still unexplored systematically by the literature in Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Peru offers an empirical richness with which to understand its foreign policy pragmatism and the way the discourses by foreign policy elites are structured and reshaped, trying to prioritize actions and practical results consistently, rather than ideological postures. Despite the political instability of the eighties and nineties, and corruption scandals during the 21st century in which the highest decision makers have been involved, Torre Tagle has attempted to act consistently in accordance with its foreign policy precepts, enhancing a resultoriented approach. This paper uses six analytic variables: presidential discourses, the profile of foreign policy elites, presidential corruption, international insertion mechanisms, economic growth and international performance. The time period analyzed covers the years 1990-2015, with some references regarding events between 1985-1990 and 2015-2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mesoamerica emerged in regional relations thanks to different cooperation strategies between Mexico, Central America, Colombia and the Dominican Republic that have resulted in what is known today as the Mesoamerica Integration and Development Project. However, ten years after its creation, most of the studies in this regard are descriptive and use an institutional approach that does not distinguish other relevant aspects such as the inclusion of nongovernmental actors and their participation in this regional program. In order to make a first approach to these aspects within the Mesoamerica Project, this paper proposes the use of the International Political Economy theoretical approach of British origin, in the interest of identifying those analytical elements that will go beyond the traditional approach and deepen our knowledge of this program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pacific Alliance was established as a model of deep integration between Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. The question raised in this paper is which of the Latin American regionalism approaches is more proper for the theoretical characterization of the Pacific Alliance initiative. In this sense, the concepts of open regionalism and strategic regionalism are explained for the characterization of this initiative and their limits are highlighted from empirical evidence. The paper concludes that regionalism concepts which give greater emphasis to commercial dynamics are not enough to understand the current operation and performance of the Pacific Alliance. As such, a complementary analytical approach is introduced which responds to the long term global dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the most recent development of the international relations field in Latin America. It relies mainly on a biblio-metric analysis of the main Latin American journals that publish related studies, and on a qualitative analysis of leading publications from some of the region's Political Science and International Relations departments. Without claiming to be an exhaustive study of the state of the field in the region, the paper includes new and useful information to build a reflection on the field's weaknesses, strengths and pending tasks. The work concludes with a series of reflections and suggestions that seek to highlight the importance of further theoretical and -particularly- methodological discussions to strengthen the study of international politics in -and from- Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008 the People's Republic of China disseminated the White Paper to Latin American countries with a two-dimensional strategy: the promotion of particularity logic and the promotion of omnidirectionality. In addition, China-Celac Forum (ccf), created in 2014, is the most important platform for China to promote cooperation towards Latin American countries. Thus, the present study demonstrates comparatively that the ccf applies the two dimensions of the Chinese strategy under three institutional principles: flexibility, nonconditionality and multiplicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) constitutes a contribution to respecting International Law and peace among peoples. We start from the idea that given that Public International Law is an "imperfect" law due to its lack of a centralized executive power, its enforcement depends in large measure on the responsibility of member states of the international community. Then, this study considers both the legal status of the Western Sahara -a conflict where the right to self-determination and independence is clearly defined- and the circumstances surrounding the foundation of the SADR andthe responsibility of the member states of the international community to fulfil this task. That is the particular case of Colombia and the American states, which have ratified the Montevideo Convention where this responsibility is clearly shown. The actions of every State to fulfil International Law are a contribution to its legitimacy. Because of the inaction of the central bodies of the international community that do not want, or cannot, enforce this right, it is necessary to highlight fulfil International Law are a contribution to its respect and to the pacific resolution of controversies, so that the recognition of the SADR is a contribution to law and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims at detecting the presence of what is known as a global democratic device, which consists of a set of heterogeneous (normative, theoretical, ethical, political) elements that working together produce a global subject whose highest social aspiration is life in democracy. This democratic subject is conceived as condition of possibility and effect of what is defined as global liberal government. These theoretical assumptions are put in play in the analysis of the United Nations (UN) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) discourses that accompanied the 2011 intervention in Libya. Through them the text seeks to analyze how normative elements like the Responsibility to Protect, theoretical ones like the Democratic Peace Thesis and moral ones like the particular and persistent use of the signifier "freedom" and their relation with democracy, were put together in the construction of the democratic subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rivalry between Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most significant features of the contemporary Middle East. For many years, these two countries have fought for regional power and influence. This article analyzes this relationship of competition by first, describing the historical background of the relationship between the two countries. Secondly, the paper analyzes the geopolitical factors that shape the rivalry between Saudis and Iranians, and later, the main geographic confrontation scenarios, the rival religious narratives, as well as the economic and military capacities and vulnerabilities of both countries. Finally, the article raises a hypothetical consideration of a military conflict between the two countries. The article demonstrates that -so far- the dispute over power and regional influence favors Iran's interests; however, given the nature of regional and extra-regional alliances, an escalation of the conflict to the military level would not favor the interests of Tehran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article will address the strategic importance of the brics' agreement for China, as well as the role China plays within the group. Firstly, it analyzes the development of the brics as a coalition of countries that, in the beginning, were united around a shared economic objective and then, over time, evolved to a point at which each member state was responding to their own strategic interest. Secondly, China is often an object of international criticism for its own development process, and this paper will address the benefit that China gains from the brics agreement. The agreement diffuses international tension, promotes cooperation among member states, and defends its development plans. Lastly, the paper argues that China should refrain from exerting a leadership role within the brics group, but rather should focus on serving as an agent for consolidation and cohesion among the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the European Union's global role as a main international actor on the basis of the components of power, the dimensions of global governance and its prospects as a regional project to manage to have a reading of their participation in the future international system. Within these future prospects, the role of the soft power of the EU will be highlighted as a civilian and normative power in global governance with new actors, interests and divergent values. This work is based on the hypothesis that the relational shift of power in international society is causing geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics conflicting with approaches to an effective multilateralism. Then the paper tries to answer or at least tries to shed some light on questions such as: Can the EU maintain its relevance as an international player in this changing world? Will it maintain relevance in their values and interests as a regional project? Should European international advocacy strategy be based simply on the field of soft power and effective multilateralism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Korea has managed to position itself globally as a fast-developing country with a strong economy, characterized as a diligent actor actively involved in global dynamics. In the last decades it has served as a "model" country under the slogan of having achieved a rapid transformation out of the ashes in order to become a donor country in a short period. Although this transformation is mainly due to the democratization process and the order imposed by the liberalization of world markets, this paper analyzes how the Asian country has faced the process of globalization, focusing mainly on the social structure. The article explores the impact that the integration of the country into the globalization process has had on the Korean society and culture, as well as the social manifestations that currently reveal scenarios of confrontation and conflict between different groups inside the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After twenty-five years of the end of the Cold War, the impact of the rise of China in the international system can be analyzed from material and ideational elements of power. This article seeks to identify whether China's importance is internationally overrated, or if this country can really challenge U.S. hegemony. Most of the literature on Chinese potential has overlooked its internal policy, which is a determining factor in the international system, according to the realist perspective. Using the inductive method, this paper will attempt to establish the causal relation between domestic and international politics. This will highlight China's need to solve border disputes with its neighbors, make a commitment to respect human rights, and solve the needs of a population that is highly dissatisfied with the present government due to inequality and corruption. These factors challenge China in its quest to achieve a new distribution of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this work is to contribute to the understanding of humanitarian aid from the European Union (EU), from the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, starting from an analysis of Council Regulation (EC) No 1257/96l, the European Consensus on humanitarian aid from the European Union (effective 2008) and article 214 TFEU of the Treaty of Lisbon. This paper addresses the EU's challenges in providing independent humanitarian aid when responding to international emergencies, while seeking to coordinate and enhance its foreign policy coherence; it also examines how the Union reconciles these conflicting objectives. In particular, it examines how EU development cooperation policy and EU aid policy, common foreign and security policy, and foreign policy interact. Finally, it is argued in the concluding remarks that although humanitarian aid has been incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty as a further policy of its external action, it must be independent, as it is based on international solidarity, and not on the principles applicable to other policies of external action, making it difficult to establish positive synergies with the other policies of the EU's external action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, various Latin American governments have attempted to render migrants as agents of development, mainly by channeling remittances to specific sectors such as housing and finance. The existing literature has yet to articulate how these new developments are reconfiguring the political economy of housing in the region. Drawing on empirical data collected at both ends of the Colombia-uk migration network, this paper argues that these efforts aim to institutionalise remittance flows and their associated transnational socio-economic activities. They are underpinned by the repositioning of housing from a consumption to an investment item, and as a driver of economic growth; as well the positioning of the financial sector as the main means for households to access public and private housing, and other basic services. These developments have taken place in the context of a broader process of financialisa-tion of the global poverty agenda in the last three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women population migrations are very significant in the broader international migration phenomenon, not only because of the number of people involved, but also because they have their own particular characteristics which distinguish them from male migrations. Gender perspective, being applied to migration studies, has been very useful in demonstrating that migration is a gendered phenomenon and it has added depth to the specific understanding of female migration. This article focuses on Colombian flows to Italy, a scarcely studied phenomenon with interesting particularities, such as: its strong heterogeneity, the high female presence, and the variety of itineraries female have. Framed within the gender perspective, this paper aims to observe the differences between men's and women's migration experiences, in order to define some of the gender inequalities and their intersection with other inequalities that arise from certain social categories involved during the migration. It focuses on the family, an important place of analysis since within it gender relations are expressed with great determination and at the same time it changes with migration, contributing to modify women's social and family status. Changes in gender relations do not point only in one direction in such flows, as women have different trajectories showing that they are often active, independent and autonomous actors, able to articulate advantages and disadvantages present during the migration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand the dynamics of the political transnationalism of Colombian migrants in New York City and the northern area of New Jersey during the 1990-2010 period from the processes of contempt and moral suffering (social stigmatization), the implications of these processes in the migrants' identity/autonomy (as generators of identity wounds) and their search for social recognition. The paper begins with a characterization of the Colombian migration to that setting. Then it shows the experiences of moral contempt faced by Colombian migrants in the contexts of origin and arrival. In the context of origin such experiences were linked to social and political polarization, violence, inequality and strong barriers to upward mobility, while in the context of arrival these experiences were related to the stigma of drug trafficking, the dynamics of cultural racism, discrimination because of low English proficiency, and the absence of a legal immigration status. Finally, the article discusses the participation and mobilization (mainly at informal and collective levels) of Colombian migrants in relation to the search for social recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began to disintegrate in 1991. Such a milestone in Europe resulted in the reconfiguration of borders and internal struggles. Where there had previously only been one independent state, six new ones were established. As a result, ethnic conflict emerged which brought forth questions regarding national movements. The objective of this paper is to question the adequacy of the constructivist approach in addressing this concern. An essential component to understanding the argument raised involves analyzing the political actors and, most importantly, the elite among them, who play a central role in their national identities. With this in mind, each case will be analyzed from a historical-comparative approach and aim to establish any similarities present among them. Rather than focusing on the inevitability of Yugoslavia's' break up, issues relating to circumstantial and identity formation will be discussed for each republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the changes occurred since the VI EU-LAC Summit, in Madrid in May 2010, on the relationship between the European Union and Latin America. A change continued with the Celac-EU Summit, held in January 2013, which presents evidence of bi-regional strategy and the full import of the most significant commitments to build that relationship: regional integration and social cohesion. Latin America and the European Union should strengthen their bond and extrapolate on other institutions and settings of the current post-Cold War geopolitical order. A scenario where they share views and concerns and whose response, in any case, must come from a joint position and shared perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the electoral crisis of 2010-2011, this paper presents, in a synthetic fashion, a political genealogy of this situation and the consequences that the end of this armed conflict is going to have on the Ivoirian state and international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 international economic crisis caused acceleration in the immigration debate in most of the traditional destination countries. While the macroeconomic collapse of the OECD countries affected first and hardest the immigrant workforce, it didn't translate into a more favorable treatment for it. On the contrary, anti-immigration discourses flourished and gained a growing audience and momentum, allowing for a series of new restrictive and repressive immigration laws, leading to mostly circumstantial and partial reforms. This paper analyzes the enthusiasm created by the idea that international migrants could soon return home, initiating a reverse migration: fleeing the poor conditions and opportunities of their reception countries. Despite the enthusiasm return migration is a theoretical scenario. So far there is no evidence of a massive and spontaneous return migration, in spite of the incentives that were offered by destination countries governments. Meanwhile, deportations, another form of return, coercive indeed, have consolidated as a full right migration policy, and a costly one. More restrictive and repressive migration policies in destination countries make the case for a prompt global immigration policy overhaul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]