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This paper focuses on the “Junkyard” (chatzar grutaot) - a unique educational environment and practice developed in kindergartens on the Israeli kibbutz in the 1940s and 1950s, and still in wide use today in kibbutz kindergartens. The Junkyard, consisting of artefacts of the adult world that are no longer in use, is an ever-changing set-up in which children’s free play is encouraged, with minimal rules for use of time, space, objects, and social relations. Anchored in the writings of its two founding educators, as well as in writings of and interviews with its advocates and instructors over the years, this paper shows how the Junkyard drew on widespread ideas about early childhood development and education, at the same time as it responded to local conditions and concerns. The paper argues that a unique conjunction of factors - material and structural, educational and pedagogical, ideological and cultural - facilitated the process by which the Junkyard was inserted relatively smoothly into the kibbutz educational landscape, in lasting ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1930s the Spanish Civil War captured the international imagination to an extraordinary degree. As in other countries British men and women were moved to intervene directly and the memory of the war, and of British participation in it, has held an enduring appeal in the UK. The Civil War was also notable for its use of the visual as a weapon of propaganda, and the Spanish Republican Government deployed visual imagery to great effect as an instrument through which it exhibited its progressive educational and welfare reforms to an international audience. This article focuses on the visual and textual representations of displaced children in Republican educational colonies in Spain that are preserved in British archive collections. Taking as its starting point a series of photographs of children in colonies gathered together as part of the International Brigade Memorial Archive in London, the paper will consider the construction, use, and circulation of these images and associated texts by British and American political and humanitarian networks and their subsequent collection and preservation in British archival institutions. The paper will assess the effectiveness of the images and texts as pedagogical and political agents and explore how their meaning shifted as they travelled through a range of performative spaces on a journey from their construction as artefacts designed initially to record and communicate the Spanish Republic’s progressive educational project, to commemorative objects in the archive. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article aims to reconstruct the pedagogy of Leonor Serrano, a Spanish school inspector working and developing her theories between 1914 and 1939. We use an interrogative-analytical methodology based on content analysis of her texts to reconstruct her educational theory. The theoretical deductive elements are uncovered in the analysis of the answers Leonor Serrano gives to the “basic questions of education”, issues that provide the bases for the scientific field of the theory of education to define a specific pedagogy and are identified through a process of historical-educational review. The study outcome is an explanatory narrative. The paper ends with a discussion of the method and the results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the example of the establishment, functioning, and closing of bilingual schools during the Soviet occupation of Hungary, this paper aims to introduce this segment of public education in Central-Eastern Europe. In the period between 1945 and 1989, the learning of Russian as a compulsory subject was introduced, teaching other languages was restricted, and Hungarian-Russian bilingual schools were launched. The features of their establishment can be connected to political and professional power relations in different sub-periods within the structures of closed language policy. The objective in both states was the education of committed political elite. The first school was established by direct political control and closed because of the 1956 revolution. The second school was established in 1974, through professional and political compromises. The third school opened at the end of the period, as part of a top-down development project involving 14 schools. A number of European target languages (still including Russian) were introduced, which can be regarded as the opening up of language education policy. Relying on sources, documents, and personal recollections, the study aims to reveal the dynamics of the interrelations between controlled language education, University and the changes in Hungarian economic, social, domestic, and foreign policy in the given periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the way in which psychologists classified immigrant children as feebleminded through the use of intelligence testing and how state organisations consequently segregated them from public schools based on the scientific evidence. First, I show the way in which the psychologist Lewis Terman utilised intelligence testing to identify immigrant children deemed feebleminded. I focus closely on a survey and on his methodology and analysis. I then discuss the possibilities of education for the feebleminded and the segregation of immigrant children from regular classroom of public schools. Through his survey, Terman concluded that the exceptionally high ratio of feebleminded children in the tested region was caused by the large population of immigrant children, although the selection of the sample was often subjective, leading to “miscalculation” in his analysis. Terman’s survey was influential in terms of segregating feebleminded children by stating their incurability; possibilities of education for the feebleminded were thus denied. At his suggestion, special classes and schools, along with a home for the feebleminded, were established. Terman’s psychological survey was a cue for psychologists to enter the school system. The State Board of Education was not only attempting to discover the percentage of feebleminded children but also trying to apply psychology to school training. With the cooperation of the Board, the training of teachers for the feebleminded proceeded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The two decades following the establishment of the Turkish Republic witnessed the growth of the pervasive fear that vagrant and homeless children and child delinquents presented a threat to the physical, mental, and economic well-being of the nascent Turkish nation. Newspapers of the period regularly touched upon the issue, alerting the public and state officials to the increase in the number of vagrant and homeless children on the streets of Istanbul, and to the crime and other troubles caused by theseküçük sefiller(“little miserables”), as a deputy from Istanbul called them. The language of these newspaper articles was an amalgam of both humanitarian sentiments such as showing charity and mercy to these groups and fears that necessitated their social and moral control in order that they become re/productive citizens of the new Republic. In this paper, I explore how certain child populations gained visibility and intelligibility during the first few decades of the Turkish Republic. I particularly focus on a modern child rescue institution,Çocukları Kurtarma Yurdu, founded in this period as an amalgam of numerous – at times competing – discourses that fixated on the bodies of “street children”, a colloquial term that referred to a heterogeneous group of children including child delinquents, vagrant, homeless, and destitute children. The institution blended modern mental hygiene principles derived from psychology/psychiatry with progressive vocational education and humanitarianism, with the ultimate goal of fabricating mentally and physically sound and economically productive republican citizens out of these “abnormal bodies”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, a number of Italian psychiatrists were convinced that medicine and education should work together to treat children with mental disabilities, then commonly defined as "feeble-minded". To this end they promoted the establishment of "Medico-Pedagogical Institutes", institutes, that is, with medical and psychological staff, reserved for disabled minors considered "amendable" or "educable". These institutions were to serve, on the one hand, to remove children from Mental Hospitals, and on the other, to enable them to be educated and to improve their psycho-physical attitudes. Nevertheless, over their long history, which lasted about a hundred years, the educational component decreased significantly and many Medico-Pedagogical Institutes ended up by resembling adult Mental Hospitals. At the end of the 1970s, several scandals erupted, revealing the inhuman conditions in which children were treated, and all the Institutes were closed. It is impossible to understand the overall sense of the value and the functions exercised by the Medico-Pedagogical Institutes over the century of their existence, unless we take a long-term perspective, which can help to create a detached and balanced history, revealing of our relationship with diversity and biopower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political, religious, and ideological backdrop to psychology and pedagogy under Franco's dictatorship. To this end, it analyses the important research carried out between 1940 and 1944 by the psychologist and pedagogue José J. Jover y Piquer into the intelligence, mentality, and moral judgement of a large number of abandoned and vulnerable postwar children. The article demonstrates how, although the approach adopted by Piquer was a scientific one – with the usual aims, techniques, and methods – the research contents were subordinated to ideological and religious considerations and aimed to determine the extent to which these children could be re-educated and integrated into the new regime. Thus, psychology became the scientific packaging for studies that were eminently ideological and politically subservient, turning pedagogy into a key instrument of the biopolitics aimed at building Franco's New Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of modern states, a mandatory relationship and interaction emerged between compulsory education, military service, and the practices of citizenship. Producing a loyal citizen required a disciplined, central, and compulsory education. In the nineteenth century when greatness was linked to armament, education was considered a vital aspect of social and military mobilisation. For this reason, rituals and practices in favour of military service were included in many education programmes. New applications were introduced and military themes integrated into courses such as physical education, gymnastics, history, and geography. Similar initiatives were seen in the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. Thereafter, military education and paramilitary organisations which became popular during the First World War gained another dimension in the republican period that followed the collapse of the empire. Military service preparation was made a compulsory course at every educational level in Turkey in 1926, and included an annual 20-day camping exercise. The programme is a little-investigated topic of Turkish education history but is widely considered to have played a key role in shaping social attitudes in the country. This article reports the findings of an analysis of first-hand sources and archive documents relating to the Military Service Preparatory Programme in Turkey between 1926 and 1947 and its lasting effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Dr Emil Altman and the New York City Board of Education manipulated prevailing narratives of disability in a crusade to rid their city school system of “unfit” teachers during the late 1920s through to the early 1940s. Capitalising on fears of disability related to ideas about efficiency and eugenics, Altman and board officials redefined the purpose of the New York City Board of Education’s Medical Examiner, pathologised unsatisfactory teaching as illness or disability, introduced new standards and tests required to gain a permanent teaching licence, and forced over 100 teachers out of the school system. An examination of theNew York Timescoverage of this struggle over teacher tenure, retirement policy, competence, and pensions shows how skilfully Altman crafted rhetoric based in current ideas of fitness in order to expand his control over teacher examining and retiring and to help the Board of Education address a major budget deficit. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The eight-year-long period from Japan’s initiation of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 to its unconditional surrender in 1945 forced Japan to invest its national economy and industrial and scientific technologies in the war. In addition, in the name of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, Japan initiated its assimilation and Kominka (Japanisation) policies (皇民化政策) in the colonies Korea and Taiwan. Japan used education as a tool to expand its influence over members of society, and attempted the frequent use of Japanese and Kominka (皇民化) in daily life to penetrate the awareness of people in the colonies. Japan also started to enforce various assimilation policies. A comparison of the implementation of Kominka policies (皇民化政策) in Taiwan and Korea shows that, in terms of school admission rates and frequency of use of Japanese, the proportion of school admission rates for frequent speakers of Japanese to primary education in Taiwan are significantly higher than those in Korea. Moreover, in terms of primary education, national schools were implemented in both Taiwan and Korea according to the “National School Order” promulgated in 1941. Japan made use of the term “education equality” to win people over. In fact, it aimed to strengthen the concept of Kominka (皇民化), the education of militarism, and to force the Taiwanese and Koreans to become “imperial citizens” loyal to the Emperor. Japan’s ultimate objective was to create an environment that met military needs for civilian and military resources. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the child psychiatry and psychology developed during the Spanish Civil War and immediate postwar period. The aim is to demonstrate that, despite the existence of a certain degree of disciplinary continuity in relation to the pre-war period, both disciplines were placed at the service of Francoism. This meant that the association of psychology and psychiatry with pedagogy in order to educate/cure children played a key role in legitimising the child intervention policies of Franco’s regime, and this strategy was best reflected in Vallejo Nágera’s proposal regarding “biological pedagogy”. Finally, it analyses how psychiatry and psychology were used outside the school context to re-educate and control an infant population trapped between two worlds as the result of the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The high rate of child mortality registered during the early months of the Civil War led the Republican authorities to initiate several operations to evacuate youngsters with the purpose of protecting and saving the children of Spain. At the beginning, the children were evacuated to zones in the interior of the country far removed from the front lines. However, the rapid advance of the Nationalist Army caused the Government of the Republic to organise evacuations to other countries. The Soviet Union was one of many countries that offered to help the Republic. Between 1937 and 1938, minors numbering 2895 were taken under the protection ofNarkomprosin different collective Homes for Children (Dietsky Dom). This article discusses some of the educational practices carried out in the schools of these Homes, by analysing different documents produced by the children, both in this period (interscholastic and personal correspondence, school compositions, newspaper murals) as well as in their adult lives (autobiographies and memoirs). Through the analysis of these educative practices, the article will try to explain how the Soviet as well as the Spanish authorities wished to make these children into ideal communists, convinced that the future of Spain was in their hands. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

At the beginning of the Spanish Civil War the republican authorities started organising what came to be known as “children’s colonies”. These children’s colonies became both home and school for all the children who were evacuated from Madrid. The purpose of this article is to study in depth the transformation of many of these children’s colonies into educational communities. The teachers accompanying the children often shared the republican ideals ofactive citizenshipand strove to make conscious citizens out of these children. The educational model chosen for achieving this aim was the community model, based on the transformation of every children’s colony into a self-sufficient community of teachers and students, along the lines of similar experiences organised by the international New Education movement in the 1920s and ’30s. The article discusses the iconic experiences of children’s colonies during the Spanish Civil War and the ways in which their different concepts of “community” were represented. By studying the photographic collection put together from different public and private archives alongside the written information preserved in unpublished diaries we are able to develop a methodological model for analysing the construction and/or destruction of the community ideal in these educational experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Until around 10 years ago, the conventional wisdom in educational historiography held that the start of the Civil War (1936–1939), marking as it did the placing of education at the service of the war effort, involved a rupture, in both the Republican government and the “rebel” or Franco camp, with the preceding years as to the educational politics and the pedagogical discourses. However, in the last few years a number of works have been published which, without denying the changes that undoubtedly occurred, emphasise the continuities in the discourses. This article sets out to elucidate and clarify just what there was of rupture and or continuity in educational politics and politico-pedagogical discourses during the years of the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]